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iv.
LITERARY
CONTACTS
WITH
PERSIA
The
tribes
of
Georgia
had
a
well-established
and
vast
literary
tradition
and
folklore
long
before
the
Christian
era.
None
of
the
pre-Christian
Georgian
literary
works
have
survived,
however.
Christianity
became
established
in
Georgia
as
an
official
religion
at
the
beginning
of
the
4th
century,
and
in
the
5th
century
the
first
surviving
literary
work,
Tsamebay
tsmidisa
Shushanikisi
(The
martyrdom
of
Shushanik)
by
Jacob
Tsurtaveli
(ed.
M.
Malazonia
and
I.
Lolasvili,
Tbilisi,
1986),
which
laid
the
foundation
of
Georgian
clerical
literature,
was
created.
By
that
time
some
biblical
texts,
such
as
the
Psalms
and
the
New
Testament,
had
been
already
translated.
Hagiographic
literature
(e.g.,
martyrology
and
lives
of
the
saints),
although
serving
primarily
the
interests
of
the
Church,
contained
elements
of
fiction
and
historiography.
Georgian
hagiographical
works
on
the
passions
of
St.
Shushanik,
St.
Evstate
Mtskheteli
(6th
cent.),
and
St.
Abo
Tbileli
(8th
cent.),
as
well
as
lives
of
St.
Nino
(9th
cent.),
and
St.
Grigol
Khandzteli
(10th
cent.),
testify
to
the
development
of
literary
style
and
to
the
high
artistic
level
of
Georgian
hagiographers
and
hymnographers.
These
literary
activities
finally
led
to
the
appearance
of
Georgian
secular
literature
in
the
11th
cent.
The
familiarity
of
Georgian
authors
with
the
Persian
classics
also
played
a
significant
role
in
the
development
of
Georgian
literature.
Such
works
as
the
epic
romance
Amirandarejaniani
ascribed
to
Mose
Khoneli
(12th
century;
N.
Marr,
1895),
Tamariani
by
Grigol
Chakhrukhadze
(12th
century),
Abdulmesiani
by
Iovane
Shavteli
and,
finally,
the
masterpiece
of
Georgian
poetry
Vepkhistqaosani
(The
man
in
the
panther
skin)
by
Shota
Rustaveli,
came
into
being
due
to
this
cultural
synthesis
(Allen,
pp.
318-20).
The
beginning
of
Georgian-Persian
literary
contacts
is
usually
traced
back
to
the
11th-12th
centuries,
when
Georgian
secular
literature
first
developed
and
flourished.
However,
the
roots
of
Georgian-Persian
cultural,
linguistic,
and
literary
contacts
run
much
deeper.
Unfortunately,
very
little
evidence
is
preserved
from
the
earlier
periods,
so
traces
of
these
contacts
must
be
sought
in
linguistic
data,
in
artifacts,
in
chronicles,
and
in
later
literary
works.
The
11th-century
Georgian
chronicle
Kartlis
tskhovreba
(The
annals
of
Georgia)
mentions
two
persons:
Parnavaz,
the
king
of
Georgia,
and
Artavaz
(see
ARTABAZUS,
ARTAVASDES),
the
foster-brother
of
king
Vakhtang
Gorgaslan
(Justi,
Namenbuch,
p.
92;
Huyse,
23a).
Not
only
is
the
Iranian
origin
of
their
names
interesting,
but
also
their
connection
with
Iranian
epic
traditions.
Parnavaz
is
associated
with
the
creation
of
a
Zoroastrian
sanctuary
at
Armazi
(q.v.),
the
ancient
capital
of
Georgia
near
the
present-day
Mtskheta,
where
a
bilingual
inscription
in
Greek
and
Middle
Iranian
has
been
found
(Metzger).
Some
scholars
(e.g.,
Bailey,
Dictionary,
p.
40;
Lang,
1966,
pp.
88,
152-53;
Andronikashvili)
trace
the
term
Armazi,
which
is
also
the
name
of
a
deity
in
the
Georgian
pantheon,
to
Ahura
Mazda@
(q.v.).
Stories
about
Artavasdes,
Be@vrasp/A^
Dahaka
(Adaha@g),
Ardaæ^r,
Afra@s^a@b
(qq.v.),
and
other
heroes
of
ancient
Iranian
legends
were
widespread
in
Georgia.
The
Kartlis
tskhovreba
contains
a
passage
referring
to
a
well-known
episode
in
the
a@h-na@ma
that
seems
to
indicate
that
the
author
was
familiar
with
a
Persian
literary
work
similar
to
the
Xwada@y-na@mag.
The
passage
reads:
"And
then
Iranians
from
the
side
of
the
sunrise,
the
kin
of
Nebrot,
became
strong.
And
there
appeared
among
them
one
man,
a
hero
named
Afridon
[Afr^do@n,
see
FEREÚDUÚN],
who
put
Bevrasp,
the
master
of
snakes,
in
chains
and
tied
him
to
a
mountain
inaccessible
to
human
beings.
All
this
is
written
in
The
History
of
the
Persians."
There
are
two
noteworthy
points
in
this
short
passage:
"the
side
of
the
sunrise"
is
obviously
a
Georgian
translation
of
Xúara@sa@n
"the
place
whence
the
sun
rises,"
and
"Bevrasp,
the
master
of
snakes"
is
no
doubt
Be@varasp
Ai
Daha@ka
(for
him
in
Iranian
mythology
see
Christensen,
pp.
20-24).
The
first
part
of
Be@varasp
is
left
without
translation
(in
Ancient
Georgian
bevri,
as
the
Av.
bae@var-
and
the
Mid.
Pers.
be@war,
means
"ten
thousand,"
in
Modern
Georgian
it
means
"many"),
while
the
phrase
"the
master
of
snakes"
is
a
literal
translation
of
Adaha@g
(see
AÛDAHAÚ).
The
meaning
of
ai-
"snake,
dragon,"
is
well
known,
while
different
interpretations
have
been
suggested
for
daha@g.
According
to
the
Georgian
source
it
stands
for
"master,
lord."
The
conversion
of
Georgians
to
Christianity
in
the
4th
century,
and
then
the
conquest
of
Persia
and
parts
of
Georgia
by
the
Arabs
three
centuries
later,
temporarily
interrupted
the
cultural
contacts
between
the
two
countries.
At
that
time
(7th-9th
centuries)
Georgian-Arab
literary
connections
were
developed,
some
works
were
translated
from
Arabic
into
Georgian,
among
them
the
world-famous
novel
of
Buddhist
origins
about
Barlaam
and
Joasaph
(Pers.
Belawhar
o
Bu@da@saf,
q.v.),
known
in
Georgian
as
the
Balavariani.
With
the
rise
of
the
New
Persian
literature
during
the
9th-10th
centuries,
literary
contacts
between
the
two
cultures
resumed
and
even
became
much
stronger
than
before.
It
appears
that
Georgians
became
familiar
with
Persian
literary
classics
quite
early.
In
the
9th-century
work
Moktsevai
Kartlisai
(The
conversion
of
Georgia),
a
whole
phrase
in
Persian,
transcribed
in
Georgian
letters,
is
put
into
the
mouth
of
the
Georgian
king
Mirian.
This
corrupted
text
(ra¥tmebo¥
khodzhat
stabanug
rasul
psarzad)
was
restored
by
Nikola¥
Yakovlevich
Marr
(1897,
p.
72)
with
the
help
of
a
Georgian
translation
given
in
a
10th-century
manuscript:
"ra@st
m^gu@^
kòojasta
ba@nu@
wa
rasu@l-e
pesar-e
^zad"
(You
are
speaking
the
truth,
blessed
lady
and
the
messenger
of
the
Son
of
God).
This
passage
is
important
for
several
reasons:
the
presence
of
the
Arabic
word
rasu@l
shows
that
this
Georgian
literary
work
can
be
dated
no
earlier
than
the
7th
century;
its
transliteration
and
translation
are
interesting
from
the
point
of
view
of
historical
linguistics;
and
finally,
it
suggests
that
Georgian
contacts
with
Persia
(and
hence
with
New
Persian
literature)
may
have
been
established
much
earlier
than
suspected
before.
The
cultural
and
political
renaissance
of
Georgia
is
connected
with
the
name
of
King
David
II,
surnamed
Aghmashenebeli
(the
Builder;
r.
1089-1125).
A
well-educated
man,
poet,
and
philosopher,
he
maintained
relations
both
with
the
Christian
world
and
with
Islamic
countries.
During
his
reign,
relations
were
especially
close
with
the
state
of
arva@n,
where
a
Persian
school
of
poetry
flourished,
continuing
the
classical
traditions
of
Ru@dak^,
Ferdows^'s
a@h-na@ma,
the
epic
and
lyrical
heritage
of
¿Onsáor^,
Farrokò^
S^sta@n^,
Manu@±ehr^,
Fakòr-al-D^n
Gorga@n^'s
V^s
o
Ra@m^n,
etc.
The
familiarity
of
Georgian
society
with
the
works
of
these
classical
masters
and
with
the
master
poets
of
arva@n,
including
Nezáa@m^
Ganjav^,
K¨a@qa@n^
arva@n^,
Falak^
arva@n^,
etc.,
helped
further
literary
contacts
between
Georgia
and
Persia.
The
growth
of
cities
set
the
necessary
condition
for
the
revival
of
cultural
activities.
Frequent
receptions
and
feasts
at
the
royal
and
feudal
courts
attracted
panegyrists,
story-tellers
(qesásáakòúa@n),
and
singers
not
only
from
all
parts
of
Georgia
but
also
from
neighboring
countries
as
well
as
from
distant
lands.
Chakhrukhadze,
the
historian
of
Queen
Tamar
(r.
1184-1212),
describes
the
arrival
of
the
arva@næa@h
at
the
head
of
a
large
retinue,
undoubtedly
including
poets,
since
K¨a@qa@n^
arva@n^
alludes
to
such
an
occasion
in
the
description
of
his
journey
to
Tbilisi
in
his
Mat¯naw^.
He
mentions
a
number
of
Georgian
place-names:
Mukhrani,
Nacharmagevi,
the
summer-palaces
of
the
royal
Bagrationi
family
(eg.,
D^va@n,
pp.
25,
53,
438,
512,
742).
He
also
indicates
his
knowledge
of
Georgian
(gorj^gu@y)
and
use
a
Georgian
word
(mui,
"come")
in
one
of
his
rhymes
(Y.
Marr).
The
poet
Falak^
wrote
an
elegy
(mart¯^ya)
on
the
death
of
Dmitri
I
(r.
1125-1156),
the
king
of
Georgia.
Nezáa@m^
Ganjav^
often
mentions
and
describes
Georgia
(Abkòaz,
which
then
referred
to
all
of
Georgia)
in
his
poems
K¨osrow
o
^r^n
and
Eskandar-na@ma
(Y.
Marr).
Almost
every
page
of
Georgian
literary
works
and
chronicles
(e.g.,
the
verse
collection
Tamariani,
the
poem
Abdulmesiani,
Rustaveli's
Vepkhistqaosani,
etc.)
contains
names
of
Iranian
heroes
borrowed
from
the
a@h-na@ma
(e.g.,
Rostam,
Kai-Khosrow,
Za@l,
Tu@r),
from
Yu@sof
o
Zolaykòa@
(Ioseb
[Yu@sof],
Zelikha/Bazika),
from
V^s
o
Ra@m^n
(Vis,
Ramin,
Mobad),
from
Sala@ma@n
o
Absa@l
(Salaman),
from
Nezáa@m^'s
Layl^
o
Majnu@n
(Leili,
Kais,
Majnun),
and
from
¿Onsáor^'s
Va@meq
o
¿Adòra@
(Vamek),
a@dbahr,
and
¿Ayn-al-H®aya@t
(Shatbiar,
Analat),
etc.
It
seems
that
Georgian
readers
of
the
classical
period
either
had
Georgian
versions
of
the
poems
by
Ferdows^,
¿Onsáor^,
Gorga@n^,
Nezáa@m^,
and
of
works
like
the
Kal^la
wa
Demna,
H®a@tem
T®ayy,
and
the
Qa@bu@s-na@ma,
or
were
quite
well
acquainted
with
the
original
texts.
Of
this
long
list,
however,
only
one
Georgian
version
of
Visramiani
has
survived,
a
complete
prose
translation
of
the
poem
V^s
o
Ra@m^n
by
Fakòr-al-D^n
Gorga@n^
(Abuladze,
1935;
Mamatsashvili,
1967;
Kobidze,
1967;
idem,
1969).
Traditionally
this
translation
is
ascribed
to
Sargis
Tmogveli,
a
12th-century
statesman
and
writer.
This
Georgian
version
of
the
medieval
Persian
romance,
which
fully
retained
the
spirit
of
the
original,
considerably
influenced
all
further
development
of
Georgian
prose.
Its
proximity
to
the
Persian
original
made
it
possible
to
use
the
Persian
text
when
preparing
the
critical
edition
of
Visramiani
(eds.
A.
Gvakharia
and
M.
Todua,
Tbilisi,
1962).
This
Georgian
translation,
being
the
oldest
known
manuscript
of
the
work
and
preserving
a
more
complete
version
than
the
few
known
manuscripts
of
the
Persian
text,
helps
restore
corrupted
lines
and
determine
the
more
reliable
variants
found
in
different
Persian
manuscripts
that
generally
are
of
later
origin
(17th-18th
cent.)
and
have
many
lacunae
and
corrupted
parts.
The
Georgian
Iranologists
Magali
Todua
and
Alexandre
Gvakharia
produced
a
critical
edition
of
V^s
o
Ra@m^n
(Tehran,
1970),
which
for
the
first
time
contains
variants
of
the
text
found
in
different
manuscripts.
The
edition
was
based
on
the
Georgian
translation
of
the
poem,
the
surviving
Persian
manuscripts,
and
the
three
earlier
editions
(1864,
1935,
and
1959).
Georgia
entered
a
period
of
cultural
decline
in
the
13th-15th
centuries,
during
which
it
suffered
devastating
foreign
invasions.
The
so-called
renaissance
of
Georgian
literature
began
only
towards
the
end
of
the
15th
century.
At
that
time,
as
in
the
classical
period,
translations
of
Persian
works,
mainly
Georgian
versions
of
the
a@h-na@ma,
continued
to
play
a
prominent
part
in
the
revival
of
the
national
culture
along
with
original
Georgian
literary
works.
The
Georgian
versions
of
the
a@h-na@ma
comprise
a
large
collection
of
renderings
of
various
episodes
in
prose
and
verse,
generally
known
as
the
Rostomiani
(The
legend
of
Rostam).
It
evolved
in
the
course
of
three
centuries
(15th-17th
cent.)
and
included
the
works
of
several
authors
(Salva
Sabashvili,
Khosro
Turmanisdze,
Baradzim
Vachnadze,
Parsadan
Gorgijanidze)
whose
works
ranged
from
exact
translations
to
free
renderings
of
different
episodes,
most
of
them
by
that
time
interpolated,
since
there
already
existed
Georgian
versions
of
Bahman-na@ma
(Baamiani,
Utrutian-Saamiani),
etc.
The
complete
edition
of
the
Georgian
versions
of
the
a@h-na@ma
has
been
published
in
three
volumes
(I,
ed.
I.
Abuladze,
Tbilisi,
1916;
II,
ed.
I.
Abuladze
et
al.,
Tbilisi,
1934,
on
the
occasion
of
the
millenary
celebration
of
Ferdows^,
q.v.;
III,
ed.
D.
I.
Kobidze,
Tbilisi,
1974).
During
the
16th-18th
centuries,
close
relations
with
the
countries
of
the
Middle
East,
especially
with
Persia,
influenced
considerably
the
way
of
life
and
the
culture
of
some
segments
of
Georgian
society.
In
one
of
his
letters
to
Rome,
Padre
Bernardi,
a
Catholic
missionary
from
the
17th
century,
mentions
with
great
regret
that
Georgian
readers
prefer
such
books
as
Bezhaniani,
Rostomiani,
and
Baramguriani
and
pay
less
attention
to
religious
works.
The
first
two
compositions
belong
to
the
Georgian
a@h-na@ma
cycle,
the
last
one
is
a
Georgian
version
of
the
legend
of
Bahra@m
Go@r
(q.v.).
The
author
of
Baramguriani,
Nodar
Tsitsishvili
(17th
cent.),
claimed
that
he
was
well-acquainted
with
the
poems
of
Nezáa@m^,
Am^r
K¨osrow
Dehlav^,
¿Al^-e@r
Nava@÷^,
and
¿Abd-al-Raháma@n
Ja@m^
(even
though
the
last
poet
is
not
known
to
have
treated
directly
this
particular
subject),
and
used
them
as
sources
for
his
original
Georgian
version.
The
genre
of
romance
and
adventure
was
as
popular
in
Georgia
as
that
of
the
heroic
epic.
The
Georgian
version
Iosebzilikhaniani,
which
was
based
on
earlier
versions
of
Ja@m^'s
poem
Yu@sof
o
Zolaykòa@,
appeared
as
early
as
the
16th
century
(Gvakharia,
1958).
It
has
survived
in
a
single
corrupted
manuscript
containing
twelve
very
fine
miniatures
taken
from
an
earlier
manuscript.
The
text
of
this
anonymous
poem
mentions
a
certain
Zaal,
who
is
probably
the
author
of
the
Georgian
version
of
this
ancient
story,
which
is
found
both
in
the
Bible
and
in
the
Koran.
King
Teimuraz/T®ahmu@rat¯
I
(r.
1603-63)
deserves
special
notice
here,
because
his
life
was
closely
connected
with
the
history
of
political
relations
between
Persia
and
Georgia.
This
poet-king
was
born
in
Persia,
was
proficiently
fluent
in
Persian,
and
appreciated
and
highly
valued
Persian
poetry.
His
mother,
queen
Ketevan,
his
sons,
and
finally
Teimuraz
himself
all
died
in
Persia.
Commenting
on
his
interest
in
the
Persian
language,
he
said:
"The
sweetness
of
Persian
speech
urged
me
to
compose
the
music
of
verse."
Teimuraz
wrote
a
collection
of
five
poems
(on
the
model
of
a
kòamsa)
that
included
Iosebzilikhaniani
(another
version
of
Joseph's
story),
Shamiparvaniani
(The
candle
and
the
moth),
Vardbulbuliani
(The
rose
and
the
nightingale),
Leilmajnuniani
(a
version
of
Layl^
wa
Majnu@n;
Mamatsashvili,
1967),
and
Ketevaniani,
a
historical
poem
on
the
martyrdom
of
his
mother.
He
is
also
the
author
of
several
strife
poems
(mona@záara),
including
"A
dispute
between
spring
and
autumn"
and
"A
dispute
between
the
wine
and
the
lips."
His
poetry
is
full
of
Persian
imagery
and
allusions,
loanwords,
and
phraseology
(Jakobia;
Mamatsashvili,
1967).
Didactic
works,
such
as
collections
of
parables
and
exhortations
so
well-represented
in
Persian
literature,
were
also
very
popular
among
Georgian
readers.
In
the
16th
century
an
anonymous
Georgian
author
translated
from
Persian
a
collection
of
exhortations
("On
temperance,"
"On
justice,"
"On
generosity,"
etc.),
illustrated
with
parables
and
anecdotes,
e.g.,
"Sultan
Sanjar
and
the
beggar";
"The
king
and
the
sepah-sa@la@r,
who
was
bitten
by
a
scorpion";
"Memul/al-Ma÷mu@n,
the
caliph
of
Baghdad,
and
the
bedouin
Arab";
"King
Bahra@m
Go@r,
the
gardener,
and
the
pomegranate"
(published
in
S.
Qubaneishvili,
Zveli
k'art'uli
literaturis
krestomathia
[Chrestomathy
of
Old
Georgian
literature]
II,
Tbilisi,
1949).
The
unique
manuscript
is
defective,
giving
neither
title
nor
information
about
the
translator
and
the
Persian
source;
it
has
tentatively
been
called
"Treasury
of
the
Kings,"
a
parallel
to
the
title
of
D¨akò^rat
al-molu@k
by
M^r
Sayyed
¿Al^
Hamada@n^
(d.
786/1384).
King
Vakhtang
VI
(r.
1711-14,
1719-23)
played
a
significant
part
in
the
further
development
of
Georgian-Persian
literary
contacts.
During
his
long
stay
in
Persia,
Vakhtang
not
only
mastered
the
language
but
also
gained
an
understanding
of
the
literary
styles
and
trends
and
selected
certain
works
to
be
translated
into
Georgian.
He
composed
both
prose
and
verse
translations
of
the
11th-century
mirror
for
princes
Qa@bu@s-na@ma,
known
also
as
Andarz-na@ma
(q.v.),
by
¿Onsáor-al-Ma¿a@l^
Kayka@vu@s
b.
Eskandar,
which
appeared
under
the
title
Amirnasariani
(The
story
of
Amirnasar
[i.e.,
Kayka@vu@s]).
Of
the
forty-four
chapters
of
the
Persian
original,
Vakhtang
selected
only
eleven,
the
ones
that
he
thought
would
appeal
most
to
Georgian
readers.
He
also
played
an
important
part
in
the
creation
of
three
Georgian
versions
of
Kal^la
wa
Demna
(an
anonymous
translation
completed
on
Vakhtang's
order;
a
word
for
word
translation
by
Vakhtang
himself
during
his
stay
in
Persia;
and
a
revision
of
Vakhtang's
literal
translation
by
his
tutor,
the
writer
Sulkhan
Saba
Orbeliani),
based
on
the
15th-century
work
Anwa@r-e
sohayl^
(q.v.)
by
H®osayn
Wa@÷ezá
Ka@æef^
(Baramidze,
1975;
Todua,
1975).
Apart
from
his
personal
contribution
to
Georgian
literature,
Vakhtang
founded
a
whole
school
of
translators
from
Persian
into
Georgian.
As
attested
in
the
manuscripts,
several
folk
da@sta@ns
that
were
then
very
popular
in
Persia
were
translated
into
Georgian
on
his
direct
order.
Among
them
were
Bakòt^a@r-na@ma
(a
Persian
collection
of
novellas),
Baramgulandamiani
(from
the
Persian
Bahra@m
o
Gol-anda@m
of
Ka@teb^
N^æa@bu@r^),
and
Khosrovshiriniani
(a
popularized
version
of
^r^n
o
K¨osrow
by
Am^r
K¨osrow
Dehlav^,
q.v.).
During
the
17th-18th
centuries
there
appeared
translations
like
Miriani
(from
the
Persian
Mehr
o
Ma@h),
Chardarvishiani
(after
the
famous
book
Qesásáa-ye
±aha@r
darv^æ),
Karamaniani
(a
huge
collection
of
stories
deriving
from
the
Qahrama@n-e
qa@tel
and
translated
by
David
Orbeliani
[1716-96]),
and
others.
Some
of
these
translations
are
anonymous.
Most
of
them,
even
if
they
are
given
some
local
Georgian
color,
follow
their
Persian
originals
very
closely.
A
number
of
other
works
in
Georgian
literature
are
undoubtedly
of
Persian
origin,
although
their
sources
are
either
lost
or
not
yet
established.
Among
them
are
the
novels
Seilaniani,
possibly
a
rendition
of
Sehelan-na@ma
(a
Persian
work
mentioned
in
Barthelemy
D'Heàrbelot's
Bibliotheàque
Orientale),
Varshakiani,
Sirinoziani,
Pirmaliani,
etc.
The
study
of
these
literary
works
presents
certain
difficulties,
mainly
because
the
da@sta@n
literature
of
Persia,
from
which
they
originate,
has
so
far
received
little
attention;
many
of
these
da@sta@ns
have
never
been
published,
and
are
not
even
described
in
catalogues.
The
same
can
be
said
about
the
Georgian
versions.
Research
in
this
field
is
only
now
beginning
(e.g.,
Gvakharia,
1968).
Recently,
Georgian
versions
of
Razmaæa@h,
Sayf-al-Molu@k,
and
Qesásáa-ye
H®amza
have
been
discovered,
their
sources
traced,
and
critical
editions
undertaken
(though
not
yet
published;
the
manuscripts
are
in
libraries
in
Tbilisi
and
St.
Petersburg).
Several
other
texts
have
already
been
published,
among
them
Bakhtiarname,
Khosrovshiriniani,
Karamaniani,
and
Rusudaniani
(i.e.,
"The
story
of
Rusudan,"
an
original
collection
of
freely
rendered
Persian
and
Georgian
folk
stories,
an
adaptation
of
the
da@sta@n
genre
in
Georgia).
Since
the
beginning
of
the
19th
century,
Persian-Georgian
literary
and
cultural
contacts
have
noticeably
decreased.
In
1828,
Aleksandre
Sulkhanashvili
produced
a
prose
translation
of
the
Bakòt^a@r-na@ma
by
Pana@h^,
an
obscure
15th
century
poet.
With
the
annexation
of
Georgia
by
Russia,
Eastern
themes
and
subject-matter
were
gradually
replaced
by
Russian
and
European
ones.
The
establishment
of
Tbilisi
State
University
in
1918,
however,
revived
scholarly
interest
in
Iranian
studies
by
offering
relevant
courses
and
training
scholars
who
continued
the
work
and
promoted
the
interest
in
other
academic
and
educational
institutions
of
Georgia.
The
area
of
special
interest
was
Persian-Georgian
linguistic
and
literary
contacts
from
a
historical
as
well
as
modern
perspective.
Publications
on
the
subject
include
monographs
on
various
literary
works,
essays
on
the
history
of
Persian
literature
and
on
Persian-Georgian
cultural
relations,
text
editions,
and
textbooks.
An
important
subject
of
study
is
the
reflection
of
Georgian
history
and
culture
in
Persian
sources.
The
old
tradition
of
translating
Persian
works
into
Georgian
has
been
revived.
The
lyrics
of
Ru@dak^,
¿Omar
K¨ayya@m,
Ru@m^,
H®a@fezá,
Ja@m^,
can
now
be
read
in
the
language
of
Rustaveli.
There
are
new
translations
of
the
poems
by
Nezáa@m^
and
Sa¿d^;
a
new
Georgian
translation
of
the
a@h-na@ma
is
in
progress.
Samples
of
Persian
folklore
and
Old
Iranian
and
Middle-Persian
literature
like
the
Avesta,
Ka@r-na@mag
^
Ardaæ^r,
Draxt
^
a@su@r^g
(qq.v.)
are
now
available
to
Georgian
readers.
Many
works
by
modern
Persian
writers
have
been
translated
as
well,
among
them
Moháammad-¿Al^
Jama@lza@da,
S®a@deq
Heda@yat,
S®a@deq
Ùu@bak,
Sa¿^d
Naf^s^,
K¨osrow
a@ha@n^,
Jama@l
M^r-Sáa@deq^,
GÚÚola@m-H®osyan
Sa@¿ed^,
etc.
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1935,
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270-97.
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1968
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Russian).
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Tyloch,
ed.,
Problemy
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literatures
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v
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(Some
aspects
of
Georgian-Persian
literary
contacts
in
the
16th-17th
centuries),
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Literaturen
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1981,
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37-42
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Teimuraz
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1934.
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Epicheskoe
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az
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1983
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1959.
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1967,
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1969.
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3
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1957.
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The
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1966.
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tsqaroebi
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Teimuraz
I's
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Tbilisi,
1967.
Idem,
"Vis
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i
gruzinskii
"Visramiani"
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o
Ra@m^n
by
Gorga@n^
and
the
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1977
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summaries
in
Russian
and
French).
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J.
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1985,
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N.
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romane
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Persian
national
theme
in
the
Georgian
romance
of
Amirandarejaniani),
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June
1895,
pp.
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"K
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vliyanii
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literatury
na
gruzinskuyu"
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of
the
influence
of
Persian
literature
on
Georgian
literature),
Zhurnal
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(ALEKSANDRE
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