i. Political and literary history.

ii. Architecture and art.

Outline of political history.

Although the Deccan was in commercial contact with Persia and Arabia from ancient times, it first became a part of the Islamic world in 695/1296, when the Delhi sultan ¿Ala@÷-al-D^n K¨alj^ (695-715/1296-1316) invaded the Hindu kingdom of the Yadavas, with its capital at Deogiri (now Daulatabad), and made it a vassal state. The succeeding K¨alj^ and Tughluqid sultans undertook further expeditions against the Hindu kingdoms of the Hoysalas (at Dwarasamudra), the Kakatiyas (at Warangal), and the Pandyans (at Madura). Although at first these expeditions were essentially raids that left the Hindu dynasties intact, gradually a series of local revolts and reconquests from Delhi led to the incorporation of these realms into the empire.

Sultan Moháammad b. Tog@loq (725-52/1325-51) made Deogiri the secondary capital of his realm in 728/1328, transferring most of the Muslim population of Delhi there the following year; he briefly controlled the entire Deccan, as well as the Tamil and Malabar country in the extreme south. In 736/1336 a former Hoysala officer who had served the Tughluqids rebelled and founded the Hindu kingdom of Vijayanagar in the far south.

Meanwhile the centurions (am^ra@n-e sáada) in the Deccan also revolted against the Tughluqids in 746/1345, and in 748/1347 ¿Ala@÷-al-D^n H®asan took the title bahmanæa@h. The Bahmanid dynasty (q.v.), recognized by the ¿Abbasid pretender in Cairo, ruled the Deccan (first from Golbarga, then from B^dar, q.v.) as an independent kingdom until the early 16th century, when increasingly restive governors effectively divided the realm into five minor kingdoms, ruled respectively by the Nezáa@mæa@h^s in Ahmadnagar (q.v.), the ¿AÚdelæa@h^s in B^ja@pu@r (qq.v.), the ¿Ema@dæa@h^s in Berar, the Bar^dæa@h^s (q.v.) in B^dar, and the QotÂbæa@h^s in Golconda. To these may be added the minor state of Khandesh, with its capital at Borha@npu@r (q.v.) in the northern Deccan, ruled by the Fa@ru@q^s (q.v.) from the late 14th century. Struggles among these small Deccani sultanates led to the conquest of Vijayanagar by a confederation of the princes of Ahmadnagar, B^ja@pu@r, and Golconda in 973/1565; the absorption of Berar by Ahmadnagar in 982/1574; and the conquest of B^dar by B^ja@pu@r in 1028/1619.

The Mughals represented a more serious threat, however. Akbar I (q.v.; 963-1014/1556-1605) enrolled the Fa@ru@q^s as tributaries and after 999/1590 as military allies against Ahmadnagar. In their quest for allies the rulers of Ahmadnagar, B^ja@pu@r, and Golconda, who had adopted Twelver Shi¿ism at various times, consistently cultivated relations with the Safavids of Persia, sometimes addressing them in the manner of vassals to an overlord (Islam, II, pp. 107-99). Akbar conquered Khandesh in 1009/1601, and Jaha@ng^r (1014-37/1605-27) took Ahmadnagar in 1043/1633. Awrangze@b (1068-1118/1658-1707) spent the last years of his reign campaigning against the two surviving sultanates, defeating B^ja@pu@r in 1097/1686 and Golconda the following year. The Mughals had already begun to lose their hold on the Deccan, however, owing to resistance from the Marathas, who had founded their own kingdom under Shivaji in 1085/1674. Although the Marathas founded an explicitly Hindu state and assumed rights of taxation, they acknowledged theoretical Mughal supremacy and, from their capital in the western hills, functioned as an efficient war machine throughout the Deccan and northern India until they came under British domination in the early 19th century. In 1137/1724 the Mughal viceroy in the Deccan, NezÂa@m-al-Molk AÚsÂaf-ja@h, declared himself an independent ruler. The AÚsáafja@h^ dynasty of nezáa@ms (q.v.) ruled (at first from Awrangabad and then from Hyderabad) throughout the period of French and British imperialism up to 1948, when their domain was incorporated into the Indian Union. Presently the region is divided among the Indian states of Madhya Pradesh, Andhra Pradesh, Karnataka, and Maharashtra.

Persian literature and culture in the Deccan.

With the transfer of the Muslim population to Deogiri in 729/1329 the Persian culture that flourished in the Delhi sultanate was transplanted to the Deccan. The leading court poet Am^r Najm-al-D^n H®asan Dehlav^ (655-737/1275-1336) was one of those forced to move (S®afa@, Adab^ya@t III, pp. 817-31). Tughluqid officials in Deogiri and elsewhere sponsored works in Persian on such subjects as lexicography and Islamic law, and at nearby Rawzµa (now Khuldabad) the Sufi circle around the Ùeæt^ Shaikh Borha@n-al-D^n GÚar^b (d. 738/1337; see ÙEˆTÈYA) produced an extensive mystical literature, including recorded oral teachings (malfu@záa@t), hagiographies, and speculative treatises (Ernst, p. 116 and passim). Legends about Sufis in the Deccan before the K¨alj^ conquest are late hagiograph-ical inventions unsubstantiated by contemporary documents. After the brief period of Tughluqid rule the Deccan sultans contributed to a remarkable flourishing of Persian literature. Persian culture always existed in tension with local Indic cultural traditions, however, as it was totally dependent upon court patronage and elite Sufi circles. The different types of Persian literature produced in the Deccan may be categorized as follows.

Court poetry and belles-lettres. The sultans of the Deccan were great patrons of Persian poetry, and some were known as poets themselves. Of the many poets who came from Persia and Central Asia to India seeking their fortunes (according to Gol±^n-e Ma¿a@n^, more than 700 in the Safavid period alone; I, pp. [5-18]), a large portion came to the Deccan courts (see Sherwani and Joshi, II, pp. 77-103). Moháammad-Qa@sem Fereæta (I, p. 302; tr. Briggs, II, pp. 215-16) reported that the Bahmanid Moháammad Shah (780-99/1378-97) even tried unsuccessfully to lure H®a@fezá from Shiraz, but the reliability of this story has been questioned (e.g., GÚan^, p. 136 n. 1; cf. H®a@fezÂ, comm., II, pp. 1193-95). His successor Ahámad Shah Wal^ (825-39/1422-36) made Golbarga a center of Persian culture. After the establishment of the minor Deccan sultanates Moháammadqol^ QotÂbæa@h (d. 1020/1611) and his descendants eagerly welcomed talented Persian poets at Golconda. At B^ja@pu@r Ebra@h^m ¿AÚdelæa@h (d. 1035/1627) employed Z®ohu@r^ Toræ^z^ (d. 1026/1617; S®afa@, Adab^ya@t V, pp. 977-88, 1717-14), who wrote his Seh nat¯r as an introduction in rhyming prose to his patron's Dakhan^ Urdu treatise on poetry and music, Keta@b-e nowras. Many critics regard Z®ohu@r^ as a chief exponent of the luxuriant "Indian style" (sabk-e hend^). Even the Mughal court poet Abu'l-Fayzµ Fayzµ^ (q.v.; S®afa@, Adab^ya@t V, pp. 838-57) was impressed with his "extremely flowery" style (Gol±^n-e Ma¿a@n^, II, p. 827).

Stylistically the Persian poetry produced in the Deccan did not differ notably from that produced in northern India or Persia; many poets circulated among all three areas. For example, Moháammad Am^n (d. 1047/1637-38), who produced at Golconda an admired epic quintet (kòamsa) in imitation of Nezáa@m^'s works, went on to B^ja@pu@r and then back to Persia before finally obtaining a satisfactory position from the Mughals (Sherwani and Joshi, II, pp. 98-99). Borha@npu@r also became an important center of literary patronage under the Mughal viceroy ¿Abd-al-Rahá^m K¨a@n-e K¨a@na@n (q.v.; d. 1036/1627), who surrounded himself with a large circle of Persian poets, mentioned in ¿Abd-al-Ba@q^ Neha@vand^'s Ma÷a@t¯er-e rahá^m^ (comp. 1025/1616), which is dedicated to him. They included Naw¿^ K¨abu@æa@n^ (d. 1019/1610), author of Su@z o goda@z, a mat¯naw^ on the Indian theme of a widow (sat^) who immolates herself on her husband's funeral pyre (S®afa@, Adab^ya@t V, pp. 881-92). In the late 18th century, while Delhi court taste was turning toward Urdu poetry, Persian anthologies continued to appear in the Deccan; the prolific GÚola@m-¿Al^ AÚza@d Belgra@m^ (q.v.; d. 1200/1786) composed three (Yad-e bayzµa@, Sarv-e a@za@d, and K¨eza@na-ye ¿a@mera), his Hindu student La±m^ Nara@yan ˆaf^q (d. after 1214/1799) composed two (Gol-e ra¿na@ and ˆa@m-e @g@ar^ba@n), and several other scholars compiled their own tadòkeras at Awrangabad (Naqaw^, pp. 255, 275, 378, 383, 393, 415, 425, 445, 489). Although in the 19th century Persian literary activity waned in favor of Urdu, Hyderabad continued as a center for Persian studies, and the former court libraries there (the AÚsáaf^ya, now the Andhra Pradesh Oriental Manuscript Research Library, and the Salar Jang) still have the finest Persian collections in the region.

Historical works. Historiography in the Deccan was modeled on the epics and chronicles of the Ghaznavids and Ghurids, which had formed the basis for the court culture of the Delhi sultanate (q.v.). The first great historical work produced in the Deccan was ¿Abd-al-Malek ¿Esáa@m^'s Fotu@há al-sala@tÂ^n (comp. 751/1351), which celebrated the triumph of the Bahmanids over the Tughluqids in epic mat¯naw^s modeled on those of Ferdows^'s ˆa@h-na@ma. AÚdòar^ T®u@s^ (q.v.; d. 866/1461-62) wrote Bahman-na@ma (British Library, London, ms. no. Or. 2780/3; Bodleian Library, Oxford, ms. no. 2544/3) for Ahámad I Wal^ (825-39/1422-36), modeling it on the prose history Toháfat al-sala@tá^n by Molla@ Da@wu@d B^dar^ (d. 817/1414-15). In fact, the close literary relationship between Persia and the Deccan is particularly exemplified by AÚdòar^'s career; he was initially a poet at the courts of the Timurid ˆa@hrokò (807-50/1405-47) and Olo@g@ Beg (850-53/1447-49), then a disciple of the Sufi Shah Ne¿mat-Alla@h Wal^ before going to India; after he completed his service with AhÂmad Shah Bahman^ he returned to Khorasan (S®afa@, Adab^ya@t IV, pp. 323-32). The Sufi shaikh ¿Ayn-al-D^n B^ja@pu@r^ (d. 795/1393) wrote a continuation of the 13th-century chronicle T®abaqa@t-e na@sáer^ of Menha@j-e Sera@j Ju@zja@n^. The latter and the Toháfat al-sala@tÂ^n of B^dar^ are lost, but they were used as sources by historians of the Bahmanid successor states, like Fereæta and Sayyed ¿Al^ T®aba@tÂaba@; some excerpts can also be found in the modern Urdu history of the Deccan by M. A. Molkapu@r^, whose library of unique manuscripts of Bahmanid texts was unfortunately destroyed in the Hyderabad flood of 1908. T®aba@tÂaba@'s Borha@n-e ma÷a@t¯er, written in 1004/1596 for Borha@n Nezáa@mæa@h II, is a history of the Bahmanid and Nezáa@mæa@h^ dynasties. The most famous Deccan history, however, is Fereæta's Golæan-e ebra@h^m^, written for Ebra@h^m ¿AÚdelæa@h between 1015/1606-67 and 1033/1623-24; it is a general history of Indian dynasties focused on B^ja@pu@r, with an important appendix on Sufi shaikhs. The work attracted the attention of the British in the late 18th century, and most of it was translated into English. Important B^ja@pu@r chronicles include the Tadòkerat al-molu@k of Raf^¿-al-D^n Ebra@h^m ˆ^ra@z^ (q.v.; comp. 1020/1611-12) and the Ta@r^kò-e ¿a@delæa@h^ of Nu@r-Alla@h (b. Sayyed Moháammad ¿Al^; d. 1077/1666-67). The transition from the Mughals to the AÚsáafja@h^ nezÂa@ms in the Deccan can best be measured from the voluminous biographical dictionary Ma÷a@t¯er al-omara@÷, compiled by S®amsáa@m-al-Dawla ˆahnava@z Khan (vizier to the first nezÂa@m) and completed by AÚza@d Belgra@m^; almost every important political figure of the 17th and 18th centuries is included. Numerous other significant monographic histories in Persian, most unpublished, were devoted to the reigns of individual sultans of the different Deccan kingdoms (including the Marathas) down to the end of the 19th century (Sherwani and Joshi, II, pp. 102-07, 575-88; Storey, I, pp. 738-65, 1330-33). The able Bahmanid minister ¿Ema@d-al-D^n Mahámu@d Ga@va@n (813-86/1411-81) wrote a memorable collection of state letters, R^a@zµ al-enæa@÷, which includes correspondence with eminent Sufis and authors like ¿Abd-al-Raháma@n Ja@m^, K¨úa@ja Ahára@r (q.v.), and ˆaraf-al-D^n Yazd^. The Persian Shi¿ite scholar Shah T®a@her (d. 956/1549), adviser to Borha@n Nezáa@mæa@h of Ahmadnagar, also left a collection of official letters (Monæa÷a@t-e ˆa@h T®a@her) that is of some historical importance. In addition, a treatise on political theory, written in 984/1576 by ¿Abd-al-LatÂ^f Monæ^ and entitled Nafa@÷es al-kala@m wa ¿ara@÷es al-aqla@m, was dedicated to Raja ¿Al^ Khan Fa@ru@q^ (985-1005/1577-96), the last independent ruler of Khandesh; the unique manuscript is in the Khuda-Bakhsh collection in the Oriental Public Library at Patna (ms. no. 948, H.L. no 946).

Sufi literature. Sufi literature was initiated under the Bahmanids, when the Ùeæt^ Sufis at Rawzµa, led by Borha@n-al-D^n GÚar^b's successor, Zayn-al-D^n ˆ^ra@z^ (d. 771/1370), began to compile malfu@zÂa@t (Ernst, pp. 80, 134-38, 321 n. 226). Zayn-al-D^n had no successors in Rawzµa, but later Sufis of Borha@npu@r, like Baha@÷-al-D^n Ba@jan (d. 912/1507), claimed to have inherited the authority of Borha@n-al-D^n. In the meantime leadership of the Ùeæt^s passed to Moháammad H®osayn^ G^su@dera@z (d. 825/1422), who had left Delhi for Golbarga in 800/1398 and become attached to the Bahmanid court. A prolific author, he was a major force in transmitting the heritage of Persian Sufism in the Deccan. He wrote many mystical treatises in Persian, including H®azÂa@÷er al-qods, Asma@r al-asra@r (q.v.); commentaries on classical works on Islamic law, theology, and Sufism; letters; and poetry. His descendants also made literary contributions to Sufism (Siddiqi, pp. 199-206; Hussaini, passim). The writings by members of other Sufi orders (selsela) prominent in the early Bahmanid period, particularly the Jonayd^s, are now known only through later references (Siddiqi, pp. 95-107, 207-09). The Bahmanid rulers encouraged the immigration of Sufi masters from Persia and Iraq as part of a policy of favoring foreigners (a@fa@q^) over Indians. The Ne¿mat-Alla@h^ order became established at B^dar when its founder, Shah Ne¿mat-Alla@h Wal^ (731-834/1330-1431), sent one of his grandsons to act as a guide for the prince who later became AhÂmad II Bahman^ (839-62/1436-58); the order thrived in the Deccan until its leaders decided to return to Persia in the late 17th century. The Qa@der^ order arrived at B^dar from Baghdad, also in the 15th century, and later spread to B^ja@pu@r and Golconda (Eaton, pp. 56-58; Siddiqi, pp. 69-95).

At Golconda the QotÂbæa@h^s, who continued to favor Shi¿ism, concentrated their patronage on Dakhani Urdu and Telegu poetry in honor of the imams and on scholarship and poetry in Arabic. There is little evidence of Sufi activity at Ahmadnagar, and in B^ja@pu@r the ¿AÚdelæa@h^s seem not to have become patrons of Sufism until the late 16th century, when Sunni Islam replaced Shi¿ism there under Ebra@h^m ¿AÚdelæa@h (Eaton, pp. 70-79). At that time many Ùeæt^ and Qa@der^ Sufis settled in the city, and the ˆatÂtÂa@r^ order from northern India also established centers at B^ja@pu@r and Borha@npu@r. An exceptionally strong literary tradition was initiated by Ùeæt^ authors like ˆams-al-D^n M^ranj^ (d. 905/1499), Borha@n-al-D^n Ja@nam (d. after 1006/1597), and Am^n-al-D^n ¿Ala@÷ (d. 1086/1675), who wrote poetry in Dakhani Urdu addressed to a wide readership. Their Persian works (often translations or commentaries on the Dakhani texts), on the other hand, were aimed at a more specialized Sufi audience (Eaton, pp. 135-74, 243-81).

As the Mughals expanded into the Deccan, so did Sufi orders that were well established in their domain. Disciples of Ahámad Serhend^ (q.v.; d. 1034/1624), leader of the Mojadded^ Naqæband^s, settled in Borha@npu@r, and separate Naqæband^ lineages were established at the convents (kòa@naqa@hs) of Shah Mosa@fer GÚojdova@n^ at Awrangabad and Shah ¿Ena@yat-Alla@h (d. 1117/1705) at Balapur in Berar. The ˆatÂtÂa@r^ master Moháammad GÚawt¯ (d. 971/1563) had flourished under the Mughals, and his disciples from Gujarat developed a major center in Borha@npu@r, a city to which many Sufis from Sind were also attracted. The successive leaders of this ˆatÂtÂa@r^ lineage were Laækar Moháammad ¿AÚref (d. 993/1585), ¿Èsa@ Jond-Alla@h (d. 1031/1622), and Borha@n-al-D^n Ra@z-e Ela@h^ (d. 1083/1672); ¿Èsa@ in particular was a prolific writer on mystical topics (e.g., ¿Ayn al-ma¿a@n^) and a commentator on Islamic law and theology. Among other significant works produced by this school were Ebra@h^m ˆatÂtÂa@r^ Jannat@a@ba@d^'s AÚ÷^na-ye háaqa@÷eqnoma@, a commentary on Moháammad-ˆ^r^n Ma@g@reb^'s Ja@m-e jaha@nnoma@ based on the metaphysics of Ebn al-¿Arab^. At the end of the Mughal period there was also a renaissance of the Ùeæt^ order in the Deccan under the leadership of Nez®a@m-al-D^n Awranga@ba@d^ (q.v.; d. 1142/1728), who followed the instructions of his teacher in Delhi, Shah Kal^m-Alla@h Jaha@na@ba@d^ (d. 1142/1729). Nezáa@m-al-D^n's relationship with Nezáa@m-al-Molk AÚsáaf-ja@h was so close that the latter wrote a biography of him (Nizami, 1980-85, I, pp. 290 ff., V, pp. 81-181). A good survey of Sufism under the later nezÂa@ms has yet to be written.

As many important Persian Sufi writings from the Deccan remain in manuscript or have not survived, biographical works that include excerpts from them are extremely valuable. Among the most important is the pan-Indian hagiography Akòba@r al-akòya@r by ¿Abd-al-H®aqq Dehlav^ (qq.v.). Also of great value for the Deccan is Moháammad GÚawt¯^'s Golza@r-e abra@r (comp. 1022/1613), which is devoted especially to the saints of Gujarat and western India. Other significant Persian hagiographies for the Deccan are the anonymous Fathá al-awl^a@÷ (1020/1610) on the saints of Rawzµa and Borha@npu@r, composed for ¿Abd-al-Rahá^m K¨a@n-e K¨a@na@n; Rawzµat al-awl^a@÷ (comp. 1161/1748) by AÚza@d Belgra@m^ on the saints of Khuldabad and Awrangabad; Meæka@t-e nobu@wat (1220/1804-05) by ¿Al^ Mu@saw^ on saints of the Deccan, including Hyderabad; and Rawzµat al-awl^a@÷. Tadòkera-ye awl^a@÷-e B^ja@pu@r (comp. 1241/1825-26) by Moháammad-Ebra@h^m Zobayr^ (Storey, I, pp. 979, 984, 1024; Ernst, pp. 91-92, 209-12; Eaton, pp. 334-35). Most of these collections were either produced under royal patronage or include traditions of political origin, so that their accounts must often be measured against the traditions found in malfu@záa@t texts and other Sufi writings. As use of the Persian language declined during the 19th century, the history of Sufism in Hyderabad and the rest of the Deccan must be supplemented with works written in Dakhani Urdu and other local languages for the benefit of devotees.

Other kinds of literature. Various minor Persian works were written on the subjects of music, Islamic law, astronomy, and the like, and some translations from Arabic (generally on religious topics) and Sanskrit (on veterinary science and music) were produced. Perhaps the most noteworthy of these works is the well-known Persian dictionary Borha@n-e qa@tÂe¿ (q.v.), composed by Moháammad-H®osayn Borha@n Tabr^z^ for ¿Abd-Alla@h QotÂbæa@h in 1062/1652. It was the target of caustic criticism by the 19th-century poet M^rza@ Asad-Alla@h GÚa@leb in his Qa@tÂe¿-e borha@n.

Bibliography: T. N. Devare, A Short History of Persian Literature at the Bahmani, the Adilshahi, and the Qutbshahi Courts, Deccan, Poona, 1961. R. M. Eaton, Sufis of Bijapur 1300-1700. Social Roles of Sufis in Medieval India, Princeton, N.J., 1978. C. W. Ernst, Eternal Garden. Mysticism, History, and Politics at a South Asian Sufi Center, Albany, N.Y., 1992. ¿Abd-al-Malek ¿Esáa@m^, Fotu@há al-sala@tá^n ya@ ˆa@h-na@ma-ye Hend, ed. M. H®osayn, Agra, 1938; tr. M. Husain as Futu@háu's Sala@tÂ^n or Shah Na@ma-i Hend of ¿Isáa@m^, New York, 1977. Q. GÚan^, Bahát¯ dar a@t¯a@r o afka@r o aháwa@l-e H®a@fezá I, Tehran, n.d. A. Gol±^n-e Ma¿a@n^, Ka@rva@n-e Hend, 2 vols., Maæhad, 1369 ˆ./1990. H®a@fezá, D^va@n-e H®a@fezá, ed. P. Na@tel K¨a@nlar^, 2nd ed., 2 vols., Tehran, 1362 ˆ./1983. M. Husain, Tughluq Dynasty, Calcutta, 1963. K. Hussaini, Sayyid Muháammad al-H®usayn^ G^su@ Dara@z. On Sufism, Delhi, 1985. R. Islam, A Calendar of Documents on Indo-Persian Relations (1500-1750), 2 vols., Karachi, 1982. O. Khalidi, Hyderabad State under the Nizams, 1724-1948, Wichita, Kans., 1985. Idem, Dakan under the Sultans, 1296-1724, Wichita, Kans., 1987. M. A. Molkapu@r^, Mahábu@b al-watÂan. Tadòkera-ye sala@tÂ^n-e Dakan I. Dar baya@n-e sala@tÂ^n-e Bahman^ya, Hyderabad, n.d. (in Urdu). ¿A. Naqaw^, Tadòkera-nev^s^-e fa@rs^ dar Hend o Pa@kesta@n, Tehran, 1343 ˆ./1964. ¿Abd-al-Ba@q^ Neha@vand^, Ma÷a@t¯er-e rahá^m^, ed. S. Hidayat Husain, 4 vols., Calcutta, 1924. K. A. Nizami (Nezµa@m^), "G^su@ Dara@z," in EI2 II, pp. 1114-16. Idem, "S®u@f^ Movement in the Deccan," in H. K. Sherwani and P. M. Joshi, History of Medieval Deccan (1295-1724) II, Hyderabad, 1973, pp. 173-99. Idem, Ta@r^kò-e maæa@yekò-e Ùeæt II, V, Delhi, 1980-85 (in Urdu). Nu@r-Alla@h, Ta@r^kò-e ¿a@delæa@h^, ed. A. M. K¨a@led^, Hyderabad, 1384/1964. Raf^¿-al-D^n Ebra@h^m ˆ^ra@z^, Tadòkerat al-molu@k, ed. A. M. K¨a@led^, rev. C. W. Ernst, Costa Mesa, Calif., in press. P. S. M. Rao, Eighteenth Century Deccan, Bombay, 1963. S®amsáa@m-al-Dawla ˆahnava@z Khan and ¿Abd-al-H®ayy, Ma÷a@t¯er al-omara@÷, tr. H. Beveridge, rev. B. Prashad, 2 vols., Calcutta, 1941-52; repr. Patna, 1979. H. K. Sherwani and P. M. Joshi, History of Medieval Deccan (1295-1724), 2 vols., Hyderabad, 1973-74 (a valuable survey of political and cultural history). M. S. Siddiqi, The Bahmani S®u@f^s, Delhi, 1989. Sayyed ¿Al^ T®aba@tÂaba@, Borha@n-e ma÷a@t¯er, Delhi, 1355/1936; partial tr. J. S. King as The History of the Bahman^ Dynasty, Founded on the Burha@n-i Ma÷a@sir, London, 1900. A. Wink, Land and Sovereignty in India. Agrarian Society and Politics under the Eighteenth-Century Maratha Svara@jya, Cambridge, 1986.

(CARL W. ERNST)

The development of centers of Islamic culture and learning in the Deccan under the Bahmanid sultans (see BAHMANID DYNASTY) and their successors introduced new architectural forms and artistic traditions to the region. Deccani monuments generally reflect the taste current in such other Indian Islamic centers as Delhi (q.v. ii), Mandu, Gujarat, and Multan, but certain buildings and manuscripts reveal direct connections with Persian artistic traditions. They were probably produced by, or even for, recent arrivals from Persia. Often the most strikingly Persian features are calligraphy and decoration (qq.v.), suggesting that several of the Persian e‚migre‚s were scribes also trained in the art of illumination. The architectural and artistic evidence suggests that both religious bonds and the long-standing commercial links between Persia and the Deccan provided important conduits for cultural traditions. Initially enthusiasm for Persian architecture, calligraphy, illumination, and painting was probably restricted to court circles in the Deccan, but eventually some imported features were fused with local traditions in a distinctive regional style.

Architecture.

The first Islamic monuments in the Deccan followed precedents set in Delhi. For example, the congregational mosque of Dawlata@ba@d (718/1318 and later) was constructed with pillars gathered from Hindu monuments, and 14th-century Bahmanid tombs at Golbarga have the heavy sloping walls and low domes characteristic of Tughluqid mausolea (Davies, pp. 451-52, 471-72; Merklinger, 1981, pp. 11-16). During the 15th century, however, Deccani culture became more cosmopolitan, especially at the new capital, B^dar (q.v.), or Moháammada@ba@d, established by Ahámad Shah Bahman^ (825-39/1422-36) in 827/1424. B^dar remained the capital of both his descendants and their successors the Bar^dæa@h^s (q.v.; 897-1028/1491-1619).

Bahmanids. Persian connections are evident in both palatial architecture and mausolea at B^dar. Ahámad Shah was a member of the Sufi order of Shah Ne¿mat-Alla@h Wal^ Ke@rma@n^ (730-834/1329-1431), and this personal tie, cemented by marital alliances between the two families, led to the transfer of Persian artistic traditions to the new capital. That Ahámad Shah sent lavish gifts to Kerma@n and financed construction of a mausoleum over Ne¿mat-Alla@h's grave there may have encouraged Persian craftsmen to migrate to the Deccan (Golombek and Wilber, I, pp. 394-95, II, pls. 401-02; cf. Farz@a@m; Ba@sta@n^-Pa@r^z^, pp. 578-82). The cosmopolitan artistic climate of B^dar is manifest in Ahámad Shah's own tomb. The manner in which its hemispherical dome rests on an octagonal drum has been compared to Timurid examples, but the basic type of square tomb was so widely diffused in the Indian subcontinent that any connection to Persia was probably indirect (Merklinger, 1981, pp. 10-16, 113-14). The proportions and such embellishment as wall niches and corner finials resemble those of earlier tombs in Multan, for example, that of ˆams-al-D^n Sabzava@r^ (729/1329 and later; Khan, pp. 204-14), and numerous 15th-century tombs in the Delhi region (Nath, pp. 76-83; Brown, pp. 27-28, 66). It is, rather, the polychrome interior wall paintings that demonstrate a direct religious and artistic connection with Persia. Numerous inscriptions are combined with ornamental medallions and interstitial designs of floral sprays. In the inscriptions prayers appropriate to a tomb are juxtaposed with texts more characteristic of a kòa@naqa@h, or Sufi monastery, reflecting Ahámad Shah's ties to Shah Ne¿mat-Alla@h. Those just above the prayer niche (mehára@b), giving Ahámad Shah's titles and death date, bear the signature of a certain ˆokr-Alla@h Qazv^n^ Naqqa@æ, who may have been responsible for the interior decoration of the entire tomb (Yazdani, pp. 114-28); if so, he must have combined the skills of both calligrapher and decorator. Verses composed by Ne¿mat-Alla@h are inscribed above the entrances, and the text of one of his mystical treatises encircles the walls just above the dado. Concentric inscription bands in the dome include two versions of Ne¿mat-Alla@h's spiritual lineage, one through the Qa@der^ya order and the other to H®asan Basár^. Above and below these texts are panels containing the doru@d, a benedictory prayer that concludes at the apex of the dome with blessings on the twelve Shi¿ite imams (Yazdani, pp. 115-21, pls. LXXIII-LXXIV; Merklinger, 1981, p. 113 no. 40, fig. 8, plan 9; Sherwani, p. 131 illus. 10). The variously shaped medallions and floral sprays in Ahámad Shah's tomb are executed in black, white, gray, and gold against a deep-red ground, a color scheme that may reflect the range of pigments available in B^dar (Yazdani, pls. LXXIII-LXXIV). On the other hand, the medallion shapes, the arabesque schemes framed by them, and the lush blossoms between them have numerous parallels in the decorative repertoire of the naqqa@æ, or "painter-decorator," in 15th-century Persia (Lentz and Lowry, pp. 204-11; Grube, pp. 178-80, figs. 27-30). Disturbed conditions in Persia in the middle decades of the century seem to have encouraged skilled craftsmen to emigrate to both India and Turkey, so that particularly close parallels to the paintings in Ahámad Shah's tomb are found in illuminations, bookbindings, and preparatory sketches from the court of the Ottoman sultan Moháammad II (855-86/1451-81; Necipog¡lu, p. 138 fig. 1; Raby and Tanéndé, pp. 53, 59-60, figs. 55-59).

A new phase in artistic links between Persia and the Deccan was apparent during the third quarter of the 15th century, when Persian features appeared in both funerary and palatial architecture. Examples include the tombs of ¿Ala@÷-al-D^n Ahámad Shah II Bahman^ (d. 862/1458) and that of Ne¿mat-Alla@h's son and successor, K¨al^l-Alla@h (d. 864/1460; Merklinger, 1981, p. 16 no. 52, figs. 9, 162, 175, pl. 10), as well as several sections of the B^dar citadel. Persian features include the framing of arches with twisted-rope moldings and revetments in both mosaic faience and polychrome-painted tiles. The plan of K¨al^l-Alla@h's tomb, with a two-story octagonal screen around an open center and vaulted recesses in each side wall, is based on the design of garden pavilions like the namakda@n at the shrine of ¿Abd-Alla@h Ansáa@r^ (q.v.) near Herat. A carved stone inscription over the main doorway was signed by a certain Mog@^t¯ Qa@r^ ˆ^ra@z^ (Golombek, pp. 70-71, figs. 142-43; Yazdani, pp. 141-44; Merklinger, 1981, no. 55, pp. 16, 104, 114, fig. 13, pl. 11). Traces of ceramic tiles on the exterior resemble better-preserved revetments on the square domed tomb of ¿Ala@÷-al-D^n, where a large inscription in white t¯olt¯ (see CALLIGRAPHY) against a blue ground encircles the structure and panels of repeating floral ornament are arranged in vertical strips and horizontal panels (Yazdani, pp. 130-32, pls. LXXVI-LXXVII; Merk-linger, 1981, no. 52, pp. 5, 95, figs. 9, 175, plan 10; Crowe, 1986a, pp. 86, 91; idem, 1986b, p. 44, figs. 6, 9-10).

The citadel at B^dar contains structures with tile decorations founded by various Bahmanid and Bar^dæa@h^ rulers. Those tile decorations closest in style and technique to the revetments at ¿Ala@÷-al-D^n's tomb are panels set into the walls of a columned audience hall and adjacent chambers, probably erected in the 1460s (Yazdani, pp. 62-65, pls. XXIII, XXVII-XXIX). Like the earlier paintings at Ahámad Shah's tomb these designs belong to a widely disseminated artistic vocabulary of Persian origin (Necipog¡lu, pp. 137-38, figs. 1, 8; Raby and Tanéndé, pp. 53-60, figs. 56, 62-63; Beattie, p. 23, fig. 67). Technical features of the B^dar tiles suggest that they were produced from locally available materials by craftsman trained in Persia but assisted by local workers; unfortunately, perhaps because local materials were not suitable for glazing, many tiles have lost their glazing, so that the original designs are also largely lost (Crowe, 1986b, pp. 44-45).

The continued attraction of the Deccan for Persians was also demonstrated by the career of Mahámu@d Ga@va@n, a native of G^la@n, who came as a merchant to Dabol in 856/1453, entered the service of ¿Ala@÷-al-D^n Ahámad II, rose to become wak^l (chief minister) and malek-al-tojja@r (chief of the merchants' guild) under Homa@yu@n (862-65/1458-61), and continued to serve the Bahmanids until his death in 886/1481. During his years in India Mahámu@d maintained an active correspondence with leading figures of Timurid Persia. Sultan H®osayn Ba@yqara@ (q.v., Suppl.) is even said to have invited him to join his court (Sherwani, p. 229). The Russian merchant Athanasius Nikitin, who spent several months in B^dar in about 876/1471, described Mahámu@d as "a Khorassanian boyar" and commented "Khorassanians rule the country and serve in war" (p. 14). It is thus appropriate that it was Mahámu@d who sponsored the most strikingly Timurid of all B^dar buildings, a madrasa (religious school) completed in 877/1472. This structure, now partially destroyed, once had an entrance facade marked by a central vaulted portal, corner minarets, and a courtyard surrounded by three stories of chambers, with a central ayva@n (q.v.) on each side. The height and pierced-stone window screens reflect local taste, but the basic plan and the scheme of the tile revetments have numerous close parallels in Timurid architecture (Yazdani, pp. 91-100, pls. L-LVI; Merklinger, 1976-77). The plan has particularly close analogies to that of the Timurid madrasa at K¨argerd in Khorasan (846/1442; O'Kane, pp. 211-15 no. 22, figs. 22.1-2). The exterior tile revetments include a well-executed inscription signed by ¿Al^ S®u@f^. Details of the vaults, which include moqarnas (oversailing courses of niche sections set at angles to one another) in the transition zone, also suggest the presence of a Persian craftsman (Merklinger, 1981, no. 61, pp. 78, 102, 104-05, 115, figs. 129, 179, 182).

Successor dynasties. Only a few years after Mahámu@d Ga@va@n's death the Bahmanid state dissolved into five smaller kingdoms, but some aspects of his cultural legacy continued. Later Deccani architecture includes no exact replicas of the plan of his madrasa, but simplified versions of the entrance facade did appear as a kind of grand portal. The most striking instances are at burial complexes, or darga@hs, near Golbarga, associated with important Sufis, in particular the Ùeæt^ saint Moháammad Bandanava@z G^su@dera@z (d. 825/1422) and Sera@j-al-D^n Jonayd^ (d. 781/1380), spiritual guide of the first Bahmanid rulers (Sherwani, pp. 33, 82; Merklinger, 1981, pp. 108, 110 no. 19, plan 13). The entrance to Jonayd^'s tomb, known as ˆaykò Rawzµa, is a two-story version of the facade at the B^dar madrasa, complete with central ayva@n and corner minarets; it stands like a stage set in front of a much smaller nine-domed building (Merklinger, 1981, plan 13, fig. 43). In the G^su@dera@z complex a three-story version of the madrasa facade was placed in front of an earlier, lower house (Merklinger, 1981, fig. 44 top). Both these facades were probably erected in the early 16th century under the patronage of another native of Persia, Yu@sof ¿AÚdelæa@h, a close associate of Mahámu@d Ga@va@n and progenitor of the ¿AÚdelæa@h^ dynasty (q.v.; Merklinger, 1981, p. 41).

The main innovations in Deccani architecture of the 16th and 17th centuries were either permutations of local traditions or reflections of Mughal practice. Decorative or structural elements of Persian origin, which had first appeared in mid-15th-century Bahmanid monuments at B^dar, were integrated into the vocabulary of local craftsmen and continued in sporadic use until the Mughal conquest. That portals derived from the facade of the B^dar madrasa continued to be associated with Sufi darga@hs is evident from the 17th-century Rawzµa at Afzµalpu@r (Merklinger, 1981, p. 91, fig. 159). In the B^dar citadel tile revetements appeared on the facades of a gateway known as the ˆarza Darva@za, dated to 909/1503, and a pavilion in the Takòt Maháall, probably of similar date (Yazdani, pp. 32-34, 66-74, pls. XXXI-XXXVII).

Persian craftsmen seem also to have been employed by the most powerful Bar^dæa@h^ ruler, ¿Al^ (949-87/1542-80). His tomb, completed in 984/1576, is notable for its garden setting; the inscriptions, executed in ceramic tile, were signed by K¨úa@jag^ ˆ^rva@n^ and ¿Abd-al-Fatta@há. ¿Al^'s name is also linked with the Rang^n Maháall, an apartment in the B^dar citadel faced with ceramic-tile revetments in a Persian style (Yazdani, pp. 44-49, 151-59, pls. VIII-XIV, XCV).

Tombs built by the QotÂbæa@h^ rulers at Golconda also retain traces of ceramic-tile revetments, but it is the royal ¿AÚæu@r-kòa@na at Hyderabad, used both for Moháarram ceremonies and for storing such ritual paraphernalia as the standards (¿alams; see ¿ALAM VA ¿ALAÚMAT) carried in processions, that provides the clearest evidence of an artistic link with Persia. Three walls of this structure are faced with mosaic faience, with floral decoration in a Safavid style. Other features of the tiles show accommodation to local traditions, however, notably renditions of ritual ¿alams bearing religious texts and embellished with finials. There are also calligraphic cartouches in the "tÂog@ra@ style" containing prayers and the names and titles of two QotÂbæa@h^ rulers, Moháammadqol^ (988-1021/1580-1612) and ¿Abd-Alla@h (1035-83/1626-72). Dates on the tiles range from 1001/1593 to 1005/1596, though there were probably subsequent additions (Bilgrami, pp. 21-25; Safrani; Crowe, 1986a, p. 31, fig. 6). Although these tiles contain no calligrapher's signature, an inscription dated 1007/1597 in the Hyderabad congregational mosque is signed by H®osayn b. Moháammad Fakòkòa@r ˆ^ra@z^, who may have been both a potter and a calligrapher (James, 1987, pp. 345-46).

Illustrated and illuminated manuscripts.

In India the production of books was closely associated with the spread of Islam, and, according to the sources, there were substantial libraries in the Deccan during the 15th and 16th centuries, probably containing both imported and locally produced volumes (Sherwani, pp. 203-04; Skelton, pp. 98-99; Zebrowski, 1983, pp. 61, 68). Recently two illustrated manuscripts have been attributed to Bahmanid B^dar, a copy of Ferdows^'s ˆa@h-na@ma dated 841/1438 (British Library, London, ms. no. Or. 1403; Rieu, Persian Manuscripts II, pp. 534-35) and a two-volume anthology of the K¨amsas of Nezáa@m^ and Am^r K¨osrow Dehlav^ dated 840/1436, now in The Chester Beatty Library, Dublin (Persian ms. no. 124; Wilkinson, I, pp. 45-53). The ˆa@h-na@ma, which once belonged to Charles Mohl and was used in his edition of the text, has been linked to India through unusual features of both text and illustrations; it may have been produced for a member of the Ùeæt^ya order, though no specific connection with B^dar has been established. A note in the anthology documents its purchase by ¿AÚdelæa@h in 920/1514; the ascription to Bahmanid patronage rests on similarities between its paintings and tile decoration at B^dar (Brend).

After the fall of the Bahmanids the Ne@záa@mæa@h^s of Ahmadnagar, the ¿AÚdelæa@h^s of B^ja@pu@r, and the QotÂbæa@h^s of Golconda sponsored the production of paintings and illuminated manuscripts. Their patronage was sporadic, however, and appears to have reflected the divergent interests of individual rulers. Most Deccani paintings of the period show a mixture of Persian and Indian features, but there is considerable variation among them. Artistic activity in these media reached its highest level during the late 16th and early 17th centuries, shortly before these states were absorbed into the Mughal empire.

Nezáa@mæa@h^s. At Ahmadnagar, which fell to the Mughal army in 1008/1600, the best-documented illustrated manuscript is a copy of AÚfta@b^'s Ta¿r^f-e háosaynæa@h^, composed and illustrated at the court of H®osayn Nezáa@mæa@h I (961-73/1553-65), now in the Bhrata Iltihasa Samshodaka Mandala, Poona. Both the Persian text and the illustrations commemorate the splendors of H®osayn's court and his role in the victory of the Deccani Muslim rulers over the Hindu ruler of Vijayanagra in 973/1565. In the twelve illustrations landscape and architectural settings of Persian derivation are combined with a figure style borrowed from earlier Sultanate painting, like that produced at Mandu in Malwa ( (Losty, pp. 53-54; Barrett, 1958, pp. 8-9, pl. 12; Zebrowski, 1983, pp. 17-19).

¿AÚdelæa@h^s. A different blend of Persian and Indian elements appears in the compendium Noju@m al-¿olu@m, an anonymous text on cosmology, astronomy, astrology, and animal lore dated to 978/1570-71 and said to have belonged to the library of Ebra@h^m ¿AÚdelæa@h II (988-1037/1580-1627) in B^ja@pu@r; most of it is now in The Chester Beatty Library (Indian ms. no. 2; Arnold, pp. 2-4; Binney, no. 117, pp. 141-47). Some compositions exhibit Persian conventions in both setting and figure style, while others contain figures clearly Indian in dress and posture. There are also depictions of local royal customs. In one scene a figure in Persian dress is carried on a litter by both Muslim and Hindu attendants, a form of royal travel described in detail by Nikitin (pp. 9, 12, 14; Losty, no. 50, pp. 53, 71-72). In another painting a ruler of Vijayanagra is enthroned on a multileveled structure known as the "throne of prosperity" (Barrett and Gray, pp. 117, 120-21). The specific mixture of Hindu and Muslim customs depicted in this text suggests that it too commemorates the victory of 973/1565.

Three of the ¿AÚdelæa@h^ rulers at B^ja@pu@r are remembered for their interest in both painting and Persian culture. Esma@¿^l (916-41/1510-34) was himself a skilled painter, musician, and poet. His enthusiasm for Persian culture and language was combined with a disdain for local customs and Dakhani Urdu. His relations with the Safavid ruler Shah Esma@¿^l I (907-30/1501-24) were particularly cordial, and his courtiers even adopted the Safavid ta@j (turban). Esma@¿^l's preference for both Shi¿ism and Persian culture was emulated by his grandson ¿Al^ I (965-88/1558-80), who is said to have had an extensive library, as well as a workshop of nearly sixty people producing books (Zebrowski, 1983, pp. 60-61). The cumulative effects of this patronage of manuscripts are also evident in the reign of ¿Al^'s successor, Ebra@h^m II, who in 1009/1601 was obliged to send to the Mughal emperor Akbar (q.v.; 963-1014/1556-1605) a gift of 2,000 books from the royal collection, many of which were illustrated (Zebrowski, 1983, p. 67-68).

Ebra@h^m, the most celebrated Deccani patron of the arts, is said to have been himself a painter and skilled calligrapher, who appreciated the work of artists of various origins. One painter, Farrokò H®osayn, is listed among his intimates (Zebrowski, 1981, pp. 171-73, 179; idem, 1983, pp. 68-70). Ebra@h^m is also said to have given refuge to the Dutch painter Cornelius Heda, who was shipwrecked in India on his way to the court of Shah ¿Abba@s I (q.v.; 996-1038/1588-1629) at Isfahan (Zebrowski, 1983, pp. 95-96). The paintings that have been securely linked with Ebra@h^m ¿AÚdelæa@h are idealized single-page portraits of him now scattered among various public and private collections; they show him in opulent court dress silhouetted against a lush landscape, riding an elephant, or playing music, themes consonant with the tone of his own musical treatise, Keta@b-e nowras (Skelton; Kni‘kova; Zebrowski, 1983, pp. 69-76). The style of these paintings is an amalgam of Persian, Indian, and European features. The fundamental scheme, with faces shown in three-quarter view and landscapes with high horizons, is Persian, but in the volumetric treatment of human figures the soft, rounded contours used in portraits from Ahmadnagar were combined with a precision of shading derived from European art. Vibrant colors and a sense of rhythm add to the sensuous effect (Zebrowski, 1983, pp. 76-103). Under Ebra@h^m's successors portraits were affected by the more austere canon in vogue at the Mughal court (Zebrowski, 1981, pp. 174-82; idem, 1983, pp. 139-52).

QotÂbæa@h^s. Although the most accomplished Deccani paintings were produced at the ¿AÚdelæa@h^ court in B^ja@pu@r, it was the QotÂbæa@h^s of Golconda and Hyderabad who manifested the greatest enthusiasm for Persian calligraphy, illumination, and painting. Their dedicatory inscriptions or seals are found on manuscripts that would otherwise have been assumed to be of Persian provenience. Several can be linked with Ebra@h^m QotÂbæa@h (957-88/1550-80) or his successor Moháammadqol^ QotÂbæa@h. One Shiraz^ scribe and illuminator, ¿Abd-al-Qa@der H®osayn^, evidently emigrated to Golconda, where he copied and illuminated several manuscripts of the Koran for the QotÂbæa@h^s. The earliest, which bears a waqf (endowment) dedication of 970/1562-63 in the name of Ebra@h^m, is now in the library of AÚsta@n-e Qods-e Razµaw^, Maæhad. All these manuscripts contain illuminations in the gold-and-blue style typical of 16th-century Shiraz, but the inclusion of unusual colors and the use of an Indian system of verse counts reveal their Deccani origin (James, 1992, pp. 196-98 no. 47; Sotheby's, pp. 20-24 lot 17). Another scribe, Ba@ba@ M^rak Hera@t^, copied Esma@¿^l b. H®osayn Jorja@n^'s D¨akò^ra-ye kòúa@razmæa@h^ at Golconda in 980/1572; this manuscript, now in The Chester Beatty Library (uncatalogued Indian ms. no. 30), contains illuminations in a purely Persian style (Losty, p. 70 no. 47; Zebrowski, 1983, pp. 156-57, fig. 120).

Even more striking is the Safavid style of illumination and illustration in the Urdu and Persian Koll^yat of Moháammadqol^ QotÂbæa@h, now in the Salar Jang Museum, Hyderabad. The illuminations resemble those of the D¨akò^ra of 980/1572, and the paintings appear to be the work of two different Persian painters, one of whom included figures wearing turbans in the Safavid style. Again details of execution like the color scheme and the use of marbled paper affirm the Deccani origin of the paintings (Zebrowski, 1983, pp. 158-69, figs. 121-22; idem, 1986, figs. 13 and facing p. 1). The scribe of the Hyderabad Koll^yat, Zayn-al-D^n ¿Al^ ˆ^ra@z^, also prepared other manuscripts for Moháam-madqol^, including an album now in The Chester Beatty Library (Persian ms. no. 225; Wilkinson, III, p. 5, pl. 6; James, 1987), in which examples of calligraphy and painting from Persia are combined with those produced in the Deccan; the calligraphy includes pieces signed by Moháammad-Rezµa@ and Moháammad ˆ^ra@z^ and cut-paper work by Mora@d D¨u'l-Qadr.

During the reign of ¿Abd-Alla@h QotÂbæa@h a new, hybrid style of painting, in which Indian and Persian elements were mingled, was developed. The ruler and his court are depicted in several paintings, five inserted in an earlier Persian copy of the D^va@n of H®a@fezá (ms. no. 1974.6-17[1-5], formerly part of Add. 16762), and another single-page painting, all now in the British Museum, London. In the H®a@fezá paintings courtiers rendered in the Persian fashion are juxtaposed with servants and entertainers in a style reminiscent of earlier Sultanate painting (Barrett, 1960; Zebrowski, 1983, pp. 178-80). In the single sheet (no. 1937.4-1001) the ruler and his officials are portrayed in the profile view characteristic of Mughal portraits, whereas attendants or servants are depicted in three-quarter view, a combination that demonstrates the growing importance of Mughal contacts and the waning prestige of the Safavid style; these trends were intensified in subsequent reigns (Zebrowski, 1983, pp. 178-88).

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(PRISCILLA P. SOUCEK)