i. In the Sasanian period.

ii. In the Islamic period.

The term dehqa@n was used in the late Sasanian period to designate a class of landed magnates (Mojmal, ed. Baha@r, p. 420) considered inferior in rank to a@za@da@n, bozorga@n (qq.v.; Zand ^ Wahman Yasn 4.7, 4.54), and kadag-xwada@ya@n "householders" (Arda@ W^ra@z-na@mag 15.10, where dah^ga@n should be read for da@daga@n). According to some early Islamic sources, the rank of the dehqa@n in the Sasanian period was also inferior to that of the æahr^ga@n "chief of the small cantons" (Ya¿qu@b^, Ta÷r^kò I, p. 203; Mas¿u@d^, ed. Pellat, I, sec. 662; Christensen, Iran Sass., p. 140).

The origin of the dehqa@n class is usually attributed in both Zoroastrian Pahlavi books of the 9th century and early Islamic sources to We@kard/t, brother of Ho@æang, the legendary Iranian king (De@nkard, ed. Madan, pp. 438, 594, 688; B^ru@n^, AÚt¯a@r, pp. 220-21; Mas¿u@d^, ed. Pellat, I, sec. 662; Christensen, pp. 68, 134, 151, 156). In some sources the innovation is credited to Manu@±ehr (T¨a@¿a@leb^, p. 6; T®abar^, I, p. 434; Bal¿am^, ed. Baha@r, p. 345; Ebn al-Balkò^, p. 37). Nevertheless, as the term dehga@n is not attested in early Sasanian documents but is sometimes mentioned in the Pahlavi books and frequently occurs in descriptions of late Sasanian administration in early Islamic sources, it is admissible to suppose that dehqa@ns emerged as a social class as a result of land reforms in the time of K¨osrow I (531-79). He is reported to have admonished future kings that they should protect the dehqa@ns, just as they would protect kingship, because they were like brothers (T¨a¿a@leb^, GÚorar, p. 6). According to one source (Mojmal, ed. Baha@r, p. 73), his own mother had been the daughter of a dehqa@n descended from Fre@don. In the late Sasanian period dehqa@ns and princes (wa@spuhraga@n; Ar. ahl al-boyu@ta@t) used to have audience with the king on the second day of the Nowru@z and K¨orram-ru@z (also K¨orrah-ru@z, Navad-ru@z) festivals; the latter, celebrated on the first day of the tenth month (Day, q.v.), was their special feast day, on which the king ate and drank with the dehqa@ns and cultivators (B^ru@n^, AÚt¯a@r, pp. 218, 225; for this feast, see idem, I, 1954, p. 264; Gard^z^, ed. H®ab^b^, pp. 239, 254; Qazv^n^, p. 83).

Management of local affairs was the dehqa@ns' hereditary responsibility, and peasants were obliged to obey them (cf. T®abar^, I, p. 434; Bal¿am^, ed. Baha@r, p. 345; Ebn al-Balkò^, p. 37), but their landed estates must have been smaller than those of noble landowners. They probably represented the government among the peasants, and their main duty was to collect taxes (Christensen, Iran Sass., pp. 112-13). They were divided into five subgroups according to social status, each distinguished by dress (Mas¿u@d^, ed. Pellat, I, par. 662).

The Arab conquest (q.v.) of the Sasanian empire began with sporadic attacks on the lands of the dehqa@ns of the Sawa@d, the cultivated areas of southern Iraq. After the defeat of the Persian army and the gradual disappearance of the nobles who administered the country, the local gentry, that is, the dehqa@ns, assumed a more important political and social role in their districts, towns, and villages. Some were able to protect their settlements from the conquering armies by surrendering and agreeing to pay the poll tax (jezya). For example, the dehqa@n of Zawa@b^ in Iraq made a treaty with the Arab commander ¿Orwa b. Zayd, in which he agreed to pay a tax of 4 dirhams for each inhabitant of his district. BestÂa@m, dehqa@n of Bors, also in Iraq, agreed with Zahra to construct a bridge for his army. When the Arab forces arrived at Mahru@dò near Baghdad the local dehqa@n agreed to pay a sum of money to Ha@æem b. ¿Otba, in order to deter him from killing any of the district's inhabitants. ˆ^rza@d, the dehqa@n of Sa@ba@tÂ, a village near Mada@÷en (see CTESIPHON), was able to save 100,000 peasants from the Arabs. There are similar reports for other parts of the Sasanian empire, for example, S^sta@n, Herat, and Balkò (Bala@dòor^, Fotu@há, ed. Monajjed, pp. 307, 318, 324, 484, 516; T®abar^, I, pp. 2421, 2426, 2461; Gard^z^, ed. H®ab^b^, p. 102). Dehqa@ns who refused to collaborate with the Arabs either fled or lost their lives (e.g., Bala@dòor^, ed. Monajjed, pp. 324, 420, 422, 464, 466, 514; T®abar^, I, pp. 2421-23). The fact that the last Sasanian king, Yazdegerd III (632-51), sought support from the dehqa@ns of Isfahan and Kerma@n is evidence of the rising power of this class at the end of the Sasanian empire (T®abar^, I, pp. 2875-77).

In the early Islamic period, as in late Sasanian times, the dehqa@ns had the task of collecting taxes. They were also responsible for cultivation of the land, maintaining bridges and roads, and providing hospitality to certain travelers (T®abar^, I, p. 2470). The lands of dehqa@ns in regions of the Sawa@d where the population had accepted Islam were left to them, and they were exempt from the poll tax (Bala@dòor^, p. 325).

It may be inferred from various reports that in early Islamic times some dehqa@ns functioned almost as local rulers, especially in eastern Persia, and that any man of wealth or social prestige might thus be called dehqa@n. Sometimes the same person was called dehqa@n in one source and marzba@n (governor) in another. For example, in one report T®abar^ referred to men with the title marzba@n of Kerma@n and Marv and in another called the same men dehqa@n (I, pp. 2872-77; cf. D^navar^, p. 148: ¿a@mel of Marv; Gard^z^, 102: sa@la@r and dehqa@n of Marv). Bala@dòor^ (p. 466) mentioned the revolt of the dehqa@n of ˆu@æ, whereas D^navar^ (p. 140) called the same person marzba@n. De@wa@æt^± (q.v.), the last ruler of Panj^kant, had the title of "lord" or "king" in the Sogdian documents excavated at Mount Mugh but was designated dehqa@n by T®abar^ (II, p. 1446; Dokumenty II, pp. 132 ff.). In Persian poetry before the 12th century the title dehqa@n meant "ruler, amir, lord," especially in eastern Persia (e.g., Mas¿u@d-e Sa¿d, p. 374; Na@sáer-e Kòosrow, p. 107; Su@zan^, pp. 200, 224, 311, 326, 436, 485). Dehqa@ns were sometimes mentioned together with princes, grandees, local rulers, learned men (ahába@r), knights, and army commanders (T®abar^, I, p. 3249, II, 1237; Naræakò^, pp. 9-13, 54, 84-85; Mojmal, p. 328; cf. Bala@dòor^, ed. Monajjed, p. 505).

The Arabs often consulted dehqa@ns on political and social affairs, and in some instances the latter were able to intervene on behalf of one of the parties to a conflict (e.g., T®abar^, II, pp. 1420, 1569). In the first half of the 9th century Sahl b. Sonba@tá, who first sheltered Ba@bak Kòorramd^n (q.v.) in his castle but later betrayed him to Afæ^n (q.v.), was a dehqa@n. Another dehqa@n, Ebn ˆarv^n T®abar^, was appointed to bring Ba@bak's brother ¿Abd-Alla@h to Baghdad as a captive; on the way ¿Abd-Alla@h asked to be treated in the manner of the dehqa@ns, and Ebn ˆarv^n gave him wine (Mojmal, ed. Baha@r, p. 357; T®abar^, III, p. 1231). Dehqa@ns enjoyed great respect and prestige at the court of the Samanids (204-395/819-1005). The poet Ru@dak^, in an ode (qasá^da) describing a banquet at the court of Nasár b. Ahámad (301-31/913-43), mentioned a dehqa@n called P^r S®a@lehá, who sat with the nobles (háorra@n) facing the ranks of the amirs and the grand vizier, Moháammad Bal¿am^ (Ta@r^kò-e S^sta@n, p. 319). In the early Islamic centuries many important political figures of eastern Persia were dehqa@ns (e.g., the Samanid amir Ahámad b. Sahl b. Ha@æem, q.v.) or descendants of dehqa@n families (e.g., the Saljuq grand vizier Nezáa@m-al-Molk, q.v.; Gard^z^, p. 151; Ebn Fondoq, pp. 73, 78).

In the first centuries of Islam many dehqa@ns, as the heirs of Sasanian gentry, led comfortable, even luxurious lives similar to those of their forebears. Ja@háezá (Bokòala@÷, p. 71; tr. p. 98) mentioned the table etiquette observed by the dehqa@ns. According to Bala@dòor^ (ed. Monajjed, p. 524; cf. T®abar^, II, pp. 1417-18), Sa¿^d b. ¿Abd-al-¿Az^z, governor of Khorasan under the Omayyad caliph Yaz^d II (101-05/720-24), was called kòodò^na (lady, wife of a dehqa@n; cf. Sogdian ©wt(÷y)ynk) because of his elegant garments and his flowing hair style. Dehqa@ns used to offer presents to the caliphs and local rulers at the Nowru@z and Mehraga@n festivals, just as their ancestors had done in Sasanian times. T®abar^ (II, pp. 1635-38) described in detail those offered to Asad b. ¿Abd-Alla@h Qasr^, governor of Khorasan, at the Mehraga@n feast at Balkò in 120/738. Ha@ru@n al-Raæ^d (170-93/786-809), on his way from Baghdad to T®u@s, fell ill in a village in Bayhaq and had to stay there four months as the guest of a dehqa@n, who served him with magnificence and offered him precious gifts when he departed (Ebn Fondoq, pp. 47-48).

Aside from their political and social significance, the dehqa@ns played an important cultural role. Many participated in the courts of caliphs or governors, and after the establishment of the Persian dynasties in the east they served kings, princes, and amirs as learned men who were well informed on the history and culture of ancient Iran. Bayhaq^ (p. 299) reported that Z^a@d b. Ab^hi (d. 56/675), while still governor of Basára, had in his service three dehqa@ns, who told him stories of Sasanian grandeur and pomp, causing him to think Arab rule much inferior. In the Ta@r^kò-e S^sta@n (p. 106) a number of wise sayings, similar to the Pahlavi andarz (q.v.), are attributed to a certain Zoroastrian dehqa@n named Rostam b. Hormazd, who reportedly uttered them at the request of ¿Abd-al-¿Az^z b. ¿Abd-Alla@h, an Omayyad governor of S^sta@n (cf. ˆa@h-na@ma, ed. Moscow, IX, p. 211 vv. 3380-83). The 9th-century author Ja@háezá (1385/1965, I, p. 115, II, p. 125) also quoted some pieces of folklore from dehqa@ns. In both Arabic and Persian sources the names of many learned persons and men of letters, including theologians, who were dehqa@ns or decendants of dehqa@n families are mentioned (Ebn Fondoq, pp. 116, 149). Some were patrons of Islamic religious scholars; for example, Ebn Fondoq (p. 185) mentioned a wealthy dehqa@n from Sabzava@r who, in 418/1027, founded a religious school for a Koran commentator named Ebn T®ayyeb. The majority of dehqa@ns favored Persian culture, however, and some were patrons of renowned Persian poets. Ru@dak^ (p. 458) related that the dehqa@ns gave him money and riding animals. Farrokò^ in his youth served a dehqa@n in S^sta@n and received an annual pension from him. According to one tradition, Ferdows^ himself was a dehqa@n (Ùaha@r Maqa@la, ed. Qazv^n^, text, pp. 58, 75).

Most of the credit for preservation of the stories in the national epic, the ˆa@h-na@ma; pre-Islamic historical traditions; and the romances of ancient Iran belongs to the dehqa@ns. Abu@ Mansáu@r Ma¿mar^ (q.v.), who compiled the prose ˆa@h-na@ma-ye abu@-mansáu@r^ (346/957), now lost, wrote in his preface, which does survive, that in gathering his material he summoned a number of dehqa@ns from various cities of Khorasan (pp. 34-35). Ferdows^ often cited dehq@ans as sources, apparently oral ones, for his narratives (e.g., ˆa@h-na@ma, ed. Moscow, I, p. 28 v. 1, II, p. 170 v. 15, III, pp. 6-7 vv. 8, 19, IV, p. 302 vv. 19-20, VI, p. 167 v. 25). Other poets, too, referred to traditions from the dehqa@ns (e.g., Asad^, p. 21 v. 1; Èra@næa@h, p. 17; Nezáa@m^, pp. 436, 508). The term dehqa@n thus also came to be defined as "historian, versed in history" (Borha@n-e qa@tÂe¿, ed. Mo¿^n, II, p. 905). The profound attachment of the dehqa@ns to the culture of ancient Iran also lent to the word dehqa@n the sense of "Persian," especially "Persian of noble blood," in contrast to Arabs, Turks, and Romans in particular (e.g., ˆa@h-na@ma, ed. Moscow, I, p. 21 v. 128, IX, pp. 307 v. 7, 319 vv. 105-06; Na@sáer-e K¨osrow, pp. 83, 156, 288; Farrokò^, pp. 274, 282, 314; Abu@ H®an^fa Eska@f^ apud Bayhaq^, ed. Fayya@zµ, p. 856; ¿Onsáor^, pp. 137, 239). According to T®abar^ (I, p. 1040), Marvaza@n, governor of Yemen in the time of Kòosrow I, had two sons, one K¨orrah-K¨osrow, who liked to recite Arabic poetry, and another, unnamed, a knight (aswa@r) who spoke Persian and lived in the manner of the dehqa@ns. Sometimes the word dehqa@n meant a Zoroastrian (ˆa@h-na@ma, ed. Moscow, IX, pp. 97 v. 1483, 134 v. 2106; Farrokò^, p. 294; Nezáa@m^, p. 238; K¨a@qa@n^, p. 411; Mo¿ezz^, pp. 604, 612; QatÂra@n, p. 254).

With the development of the eqtÂa@¿ (q.v.) system of land grants from the 11th century and the decline of the landowning class, the dehqa@ns gradually lost their importance, and the word came to mean simply a farmer (e.g., Na@sáer-e K¨osrow, p. 118; Ebn Fondoq, pp. 28, 266), though even in the 12th and 13th centuries it was still occasionally used in its original sense (e.g., Jovayn^, pp. 53, 55; Najm-al-D^n Ra@z^, p. 514).

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(AH®MAD TAFAZ˜Z˜OLÈ)