|
ˆAHRBAÚNU.
According
to
the
beliefs
of
the
Shi¿ites,
in
particular
the
Twelvers
or
Imamis,
but
also
of
a
substantial
number
of
Sunnis,
the
principal
wife
of
the
third
Imam,
Háosayn
b.
¿Ali
(q.v.)
and
the
mother
of
the
fourth
Imam¿Ali
b.
Háosayn
b.
¿Ali
Zayn
al-¿AÚbedin
(q.v.),
was
the
daughter
of
Yazdgerd
III
(r.
632-51),
the
last
Sasanian
king,
a
princess
whose
principal
name
is
ˆahrba@nu
(literally:
"Lady
of
the
Land,"
i.e.
of
Persia).
Consequently,
the
lineage
of
Imams,
from
the
fourth
to
twelfth
and
final,
would
be
her
progeny.
The
personality
of
this
saintly
figure,
especially
revered
in
Persia,
seems
noteworthy
and
important
in
relationships
that
link
Imami
Shi¿ism
to
pre-Islamic
Persia.
Although
undeniably
legendary,
the
Sasanian
princess,
"mother
of
the
Imams",
would
have
played
a
significant
role
in
the
transmission
of
religious
ideas
in
Persia
(regarding
the
subject
in
general,
see
Amir-Moezzi
2002a
and
2002b).
Genesis
and
development
of
the
legend
of
ˆahrba@nu.
According
to
the
oldest
sources
that
have
come
down
to
us,
the
historic
mother
of
the
fourth
Imam
was
not
much
of
a
princess.
Ebn
Sa¿d
(d.
844-45)
and
Ebn
Qotayba
(d.
889)
describe
her
as
a
slave,
originally
from
Sindh,
called
GÚaza@la
and/or
Sola@fa
(Ebn
Sa¿d
V,
p.
211;
Ebn
Qotayba,
pp.
214-15).
Neither
do
any
of
the
scholars
of
ancient
history
that
have
chronicled,
at
times
with
great
attention
to
detail,
the
invasion
of
Persia
by
Muslim
troops
and
the
fate
of
the
last
Sasanian
sovereign
and
her
family,
establish
any
relationship
between
the
wife
of
Imam
Háosayn
and
one
of
the
daughters
of
Yazdgerd
III
(Bala@dòori
1866,
pp.
262
ff.;
idem
1974,
pp.
102-103
and
146;
Táabari
I,
1879-1901,
p.
2887
=
Táabari
IV
1960,
p.
302;
Ebn
¿Abd
Rabbeh
III,
pp.
103
ff.).
The
same
is
true
for
a
wide
range
of
sources
and
authors
quite
different
from
each
other,
such
as
Keta@b
al-k¨araj
by
the
Hanafite
judge
Abu
Yusof
(d.
798)
and
the
ˆa@h-na@ma
of
the
pro-Shi¿ite
Ferdowsi
(q.v.,
d.
1019)
both
of
whom,
though
surely
for
very
different
reasons,
took
an
interest
in
the
destiny
of
the
last
king
of
Sasanian
Persia
and
his
descendants
(Abu
Yusof,
p.
30;
Ferdowsi
IX,
pp.
358
ff.).
In
his
al-Ka@mel,
the
philologist
Mobarrad
(d.
900)
seems
to
have
been
one
of
the
very
first
to
state
that
Sola@fa,
the
mother
of
¿Ali
Zayn
al-¿AÚbedin,
was
the
daughter
of
Yazdgerd.
He
strongly
emphasises
the
nobility
of
the
woman
and,
in
general,
the
grandeur
of
the
Persians
(Mobarrad
II,
pp.
645-66).
However,
his
contemporary,
Abu
Háanifa
Dinavari
(d.
ca.
895)
only
casts
the
daughter
of
"Kesra@"
as
a
captive
in
the
presence
of
¿Ali,
during
his
caliphate
(656-61),
refusing
the
latter's
offer
to
marry
his
elder
son
Háasan.
The
account
does
not
even
mention
Imam
Háosayn.
¿Ali
thus
liberates
the
princess,
granting
her
total
freedom
(Dinavari,
p.
163).
The
nobility
and
pride
of
the
Persian
princess
as
well
as
her
complicity
with
¿Ali
are
henceforth
to
become
quite
regular
themes
of
the
account
in
its
different
versions
as
it
develops.
During
the
same
period,
the
chronicler
Ya¿qubi
(d.
904)
and
the
heresiographers
Háasan
b.
Musa@
Nowbakòti
and
Sa¿d
b.
¿Abd-Alla@h
(both
d.
ca.
912-13)
are
among
the
first
Shi¿ites
to
allude
in
passing
to
the
fact
that
the
mother
of
Imam
Zayn
al-¿AÚbedin
was
the
daughter
of
the
last
Sasanian
king
(Ya¿qubi
II,
pp.
246-47
and
303;
Nowbakòti,
p.
53;
Aæ¿ari,
p.
70).
In
the
second
half
of
the
9th
century,
Sáaffa@r
Qomi
(d.
902-903)
delivers
a
long
and
detailed
version
of
the
account,
containing
especially
striking
details,
in
the
form
of
a
Hadith
or
saying
attributed
to
the
fifth
Imam
Moháammad
Ba@qer:
under
the
second
caliph
'Omar
(r.
634-44),
the
daughter
of
the
last
Sasanian
king
is
brought
captive
to
Medina.
Light
radiating
from
the
visage
of
the
princess
illuminates
the
Prophet's
mosque
where
the
caliph
presides.
An
invocation
in
Persian
by
the
Princess
provokes
the
ruler's
temper.
¿Ali
intervenes
in
favour
of
the
young
princess
and
makes
it
clear
to
'Omar
that
events
unfolding
are
beyond
his
understanding
and
that
he
should
step
aside.
¿Ali
then
authorises
the
princess,
with
whom
he
speaks
in
Persian,
to
freely
choose
her
husband.
The
chosen
one
is
Háosayn
to
whom
¿Ali
announces
the
good
news
that
the
young
woman
will
be
the
mother
of
his
child,
i.e.
the
next
Imam
(Sáaffa@r,
p.
335,
no.
8).
Sáaffa@r's
account
contains
some
noteworthy
details:
it
is
the
first
time
that
the
account
is
presented
in
the
form
of
an
Imam's
Hadith,
thus
rendering
it
a
sacred
quality.
It
will
subsequently
become
the
first
account
in
which
the
Persian
princess
is
called
ˆahrba@nu
(and
also
Jaha@næa@h,
literally,
"king
of
the
world").
The
Persian
dimension
as
a
result
of
Persian
used
for
the
first
time
in
the
midst
of
a
text
in
Arabic,
as
well
as
the
royalty
are
greatly
magnified,
still
much
more
noticeably
than
in
Mobarrad.
The
"Persianism"
is
magnified
even
more
so
than
in
Mobarrad
both
in
terms
of
royalty
and
language
(Persian
is
used
for
the
first
time
in
the
midst
of
a
text
in
Arabic).
The
most
important
point
of
course
is
the
role
ascribed
to
¿Ali:
protection
of
the
princess
and
perfect
complicity
with
her;
the
fact
that
he
speaks
her
language
and
insists
upon
her
freedom
and
nobility
of
rank,
his
violent
reaction
towards
'Omar,
making
him
understand
that
he
is
not
up
to
the
situation,
prediction
of
the
birth
of
the
future
imam
...
all
fully
justify
for
a
Shi¿ite
believer
the
mention
of
light
of
glory
(kòúarenah/kòúarr(ah)/farr(ah),
q.v.)
(Gnoli
1962;
Duchesne-Guillemin
1979)
that
the
princess
bears
as
well
as
the
fact
that
this
light
could
even
illuminate
the
Prophet's
mosque
where
the
caliph
of
the
Muslims
resides.
This
fact
acquires
its
fullest
significance
when
one
takes
into
consideration
the
key
importance
of
the
light
of
Divine
Alliance
(nur
al-wala@ya)
in
Imamism
(Amir-Moezzi
1992,
pp.75-112).
Thus,
from
Imam
Zayn
al-¿AÚbedin
onwards,
the
Shi¿ite
Imams
will
be
the
bearers
of
a
two-fold
light:
that
of
wala@ya
from
¿Ali
and
Fa@táema
(thus
of
Moháammad)
and
the
glorious
light
from
the
ancient
kings
of
Persia,
as
transmitted
by
ˆahrba@nu.
From
the
10th
to
the
12th
century,
several
Persian
authors
will
reprise
and
at
times
considerably
develop
elements
from
the
Hadith
reported
by
Sáaffa@r
Qomi.
Understandably,
most
of
them
are
Persians
and
Imami
Shi¿ite
traditionists
such
as
Moháammad
b.
Ya¿qub
Kolayni
(d.
940),
Abu
Ja¿far
Ebn
Rostam
Táabari
(fl.
11th
cent.),
Qotáb-al-Din
Ra@vandi
(d.
1177-78)
or
Ebn
ˆahra@æub
Ma@zandara@ni
(d.
1192),
but
one
also
finds
Sunni
"homme
de
lettre"
such
as
Kayka@us
b.
Eskandar
b.
Qa@bus
(fl.
11th
cent.),
author
of
Qa@bus-na@ma
(see
bibliography).
Among
some
authors,
the
dialogue
in
Persian
between
¿Ali
and
ˆahrba@nu
becomes
much
longer;
at
the
same
time,
the
nobility,
wisdom
and
liberty
of
the
princess,
more
frequently
compared
to
Fa@táema
(q.v.)
is
emphatically
noted.
Again,
by
means
of
the
Persian
language
and
the
grandeur
of
royal
Persian
ancestry
the
"Persianism"
is
magnified.
However,
the
gradual
emergence
of
this
version
does
not
prevent
the
development
of
other
slightly
different
versions.
In
some
accounts,
the
role
of
the
princess
is
split
into
two
parts.
For
example,
in
the
Et¯ba@t
al-wasáiya,
attributed
to
Mas¿udi
(d.
956-57),
the
story
takes
place
under
the
caliphate
of
'Omar
and
in
this
case
two
daughters
of
Yazdgerd
are
given
in
marriage,
with
¿Ali's
consent
no
doubt,
to
his
sons:
Háasan
marries
ˆahrba@nu
and
Háosayn
weds
Jaha@næa@h
(Pseudo?-Mas¿udi,
p.
170).
In
Shaykh
Mofid's
(d.
1022)
account,
under
¿Ali's
caliphate,
the
elder
daughter
of
the
Persian
king,
here
named
æa@h-e
zana@n
(lit.:
"king
of
ladies"
cf.
the
title
of
Fa@táema,
sayyedat
al-nesa@÷)
marries
Háosayn,
while
a
second
unnamed
daughter
is
given
in
marriage
to
the
son
of
Abu
Bakr,
Moháammad
(Mofid,
pp.
137-38).
Finally,
let
us
cite
the
account
narrated
by
Mofid's
master,
the
famous
Ebn
Ba@buya
(Ebn
Ba@bawayh,
q.v.),
known
as
Shaykh
Sáaduq,
(d.
991)
who
in
his
¿Oyun
akba@r
al-Rezµa@,
relates
a
Hadith
going
back
to
the
eighth
Imam
¿Ali
Rezµa@
in
which
the
latter,
finding
himself
in
Khorasan
as
inheritor
to
the
¿Abbasid
caliph
Ma÷mun
(r.
813-33),
confirms
the
link
that
exists
between
the
Imams
and
the
Persians.
As
proof,
he
tells
the
story
of
the
capture,
under
the
reign
of
¿Ot¯ma@n,
of
the
two
daughters
of
Yazdgerd
and
their
marriage
to
the
Imams
Háasan
and
Háosayn.
According
to
this
account,
both
women
are
said
to
die
while
in
labour,
notably
the
wife
of
Háosayn
who
passes
away
after
giving
birth
to
Imam
Zayn
al-¿AÚbedin
(Ebn
Ba@buya,
chap.
35,
no.
6,
II,
p.
128).
Further
on,
we
will
return
to
the
importance
of
this
relationship
from
a
historical
point
of
view.
Thus,
at
least
in
its
literary
written
versions,
the
legend
of
ˆahrba@nu
will
have
attained
its
fullest
scope
from
the
9th
to
the
12th
century.
Writers
of
later
periods,
whether
Imami
or
not,
to
this
day
will
do
no
more
than
reproduce
many
of
the
accounts
that
have
just
been
presented
(for
these
sources,
Amir-Moezzi,
2002a,
p.
511
and
n.
49).
As
we
will
see
further
on,
the
oral
version
of
the
legend,
circulated
by
popular
beliefs,
evolved
quite
differently.
The
origin
and
date
of
the
legend.
The
mother
of
¿Ali
b.
Háosayn
Zayn
al-¿AÚbedin,
who
is
also
known
as
¿Ali
Aság@ar,
is
said
to
have
been
an
oriental
woman
slave,
most
likely
of
Persian
origin.
Háosayn
b.
¿Ali,
her
master
and
subsequently
her
husband
would
have
named
her
Sola@fa
and/or
GÚaza@la.
Once
an
adult,
¿Ali
Aság@ar
would
have
manumitted
his
mother,
now
a
widow,
and
given
her
in
marriage
to
a
"client"
of
his
father.
We
now
surely
have
almost
all
of
the
elements
most
likely
historic,
regarding
her
drawn
from
historiographical
reports
that
appear
non-biased.
We
have
seen
how,
from
the
9th
century
onwards,
a
number
of
accounts
were
circulated,
especially
in
the
Persian
Imamite
milieu,
according
to
which
the
mother
of
Imam
Zayn
al-¿AÚbedin
was
the
daughter
of
Yazdgerd
III.
Let
us
attempt
to
determine
why
such
a
legend
developed.
All
the
specialists
of
Sasanian
history,
from
Darmesteter
(q.v.)
to
Christensen,
not
to
mention
Nöldeke
or
Spuler,
unanimously
state
that
no
immediate
member
of
the
Sasanian
king
was
captured
by
Muslim
troops
for
the
simple
reason
that,
according
to
a
number
of
Islamic
sources
in
agreement,
the
royal
family
had
been
evacuated
from
the
capital
Ctesiphon
well
before
the
Arab
invasion
(Maækur,
II,
pp.
1288
ff.
and
1344
ff.;
Háasáuri,
passim).
Moreover,
important
sources
from
the
China
of
the
T'ang
dynasty
(r.
618-907)
regarding
the
Arab
conquest
of
Persia,
also
remain
silent
about
an
eventual
captivity
of
one
of
the
members
of
the
family
of
Yazdgerd
III
(Marquart,
pp.
68-69;
Chavannes,
pp.
171-73;
Hoyland,
pp.
243
ff.).
However,
some
oft-repeated
elements
of
recurring
versions
of
the
history
of
ˆahrba@nu
seem
to
have
been
inspired
by
certain
historical
facts.
For
example,
it
is
not
entirely
impossible
that
the
association
of
a
noble
Iranian
woman,
captured
after
the
seizure
of
the
Sasanian
capital,
reduced
to
slavery
and
named
GÚaza@la
by
her
masters,
given
in
marriage
to
an
Arab
noble,
would
have
been
aroused
by
the
fact
that
¿Ot¯ma@n,
one
of
the
sons
of
the
wealthy
Companion
of
the
Prophet¿Abd-al-Raháma@n
b.
¿Awf
had
as
a
mother
a
certain
G@Úaza@l
bt.
Kesra@,
reduced
to
slavery
at
the
time
of
the
conquest
of
Ctesiphon
(q.v.)/Mada@÷en
by
Sa¿d
b.
Abi
Waqqa@sá
(Ebn
Sa¿d,
III,
p.
128).
In
addition,
some
historiographic
accounts
report
the
capture
and
reduction
to
slavery
of
a
descendant
(not
the
daughter)
of
Yazdgerd
III
under
the
caliphate
of
the
Omayyad
Walid
b.
¿Abd-al-Malek
(r.
705-15).
The
young
woman,
captured
in
northern
Khorasan,
is
said
to
have
been
sent
to
the
governor
Háajja@j
b.
Yusof
(d.
714),
who
in
turn
would
have
offered
her
to
the
caliph.
She
gave
birth
to
Yazid
b.
Walid
"al-Na@qesá"
or
Yazid
III
(r.
744),
and
perhaps
also
to
Ebra@him
b.
Walid
(Táabari
I,
p.
2873
and
II,
pp.
1247
and
1874).
Having
provided
these
technical
details,
let
us
examine
what
constitutes
the
essence
of
the
legend
in
its
most
recurrent
versions.
A
Sasanian
princess,
bearer
of
the
light
of
glory
of
the
kings
of
Persia,
arrives
in
Medina.
Challenging
the
caliph
¿Omar,
supported
by
¿Ali
and
speaking
in
Persian
with
the
latter,
she
freely
chooses
Háosayn
b.
¿Ali
as
her
husband
to
give
birth
to
¿Ali
Zayn
al-¿AÚbedin
and
thus
became
"the
Mother
of
the
Imams"
that
are
going
to
succeed
him.
The
story
is
obviously
highly
charged
in
doctrinal,
ethnical
and
political
terms.
These
two
pro-Shi¿ite
and
pro-Persian
tendencies
are
introduced
in
such
a
manner
that
they
seem
indisociable.
One
might
even
say
more
precisely
that
the
legend,
in
its
Shi¿ism
pertains
to
the
Háosaynid
movement
and
that
in
its
"Persianism",
the
most
popular
version
seems
to
have
emerged
from
radical
milieu.
All
of
this
sounds
very
much
like
a
challenge
to
a
kind
of
Sunnite
arabo-centrist
"orthodoxy".
Let
us
examine
things
more
closely.
The
ˆahrba@nu
tradition
is
clearly
of
Háosaynid
persuasion.
It
is
true
that,
concerned
with
a
kind
of
balance
and
still
stronger
link
between
Shi¿ites
and
Persians,
some
versions
cast
two
Iranian
princesses
marrying
the
two
Imams
Háasan
and
Háosayn,
but
at
the
same
time,
with
regular
insistence,
it
is
the
wife
of
Háosayn
who
is
presented
as
mother
of
Imams
to
follow.
Let
us
recall
that
the
legend
began
to
circulate
in
its
different
versions
only
a
few
decades
after
the
rebellion
of
the
Zaydite
Háasanid
Moháammad
b.
¿Abd-Alla@h
al-Nafs
al-Zakiya
and
of
Ebra@him,
a
rebellion
which
in
a
very
short
span
seems
to
have
evoked
great
sympathy,
even
among
the
non-Alids,
both
in
the
Hejaz
as
well
as
in
Iraq
(Táabari
III,
p.
189-265;
Esáfahani,
pp.
260-99
and
354-69;
Nagel,
passim).
Some
years
later,
just
after
the
execution
of
Amin
in
813,
another
rebellious
Zaydite
Háasanid
Ebn
Táaba@táab@a@÷
had
proclamed
al-Rezµa@
men
a@l-e
M
oháammad
"the
one
from
the
Family
of
Moháammad
upon
which
[the
Community]
agrees,"
in
January
815
in
Baghdad
itself,
supported
by
the
famous
Abu
÷l-Sara@ya@,
before
being
killed
one
month
later
(Gibb
1960;
Scarcia
Amoretti).
Among
other
things,
did
the
story
of
ˆahrba@nu
seek
to
counteract
the
popularity
of
the
Zaydites
and
Háasanids,
particularly
in
the
Persian
and
Shi¿ite
and
assimilated
milieu?
There
is
another
important
aspect.
Ever
since
Sáaffa@r
Qomi's
version
and
until
that
of
Ra@vandi
three
centuries
later
(see
above),
the
legend
highlights
two
key
elements:
the
magnificence
of
Persian
royalty
(light
emanating
from
the
princess,
the
nobility
of
her
rank,
freedom
to
choose
her
husband)
and
the
importance
of
the
Persian
language
(in
the
dialogue
spoken
by
¿Ali,
who
is
at
the
same
time
the
Imam
par
excellence
for
the
Shi¿ites
and
unfamiliar
to
¿Omar
who
is
at
the
same
time
the
enemy
par
excellence
for
the
Shi¿ites).
Now,
it
is
known
that
in
the
eyes
of
some,
in
the
first
centuries
of
Islam,
it
is
precisely
these
two
very
factors
that
are
considered
as
formative
elements
of
the
Persian
identity.
One
can
discern
traces
of
this
among
such
great
thinkers
as
Táabari,
Biruni
(q.v.),
Meskawayh
or
Ferdowsi
(q.v.)
(Táabari,
I
(1),
p.
353;
Biruni,
p.
213;
Rosenthal,
p.
122).
Perhaps
it
would
be
anachronistic
to
speak
of
"nationalism"
among
these
authors,
but
it
is
just
as
naive
to
deny
the
existence
among
them
of
a
heightened
sensibility,
if
not
a
real
historic
conscience
of
their
cultural
identity
crystallised
precisely
around
a
certain
perception
of
royalty
and
the
Persian
language
(Widengren,
passim;
Yarshater
1983,
passim;
idem
1998,
pp.
59-74).
The
influence
exercised
by
these
men
of
letters
and
thinkers
is
far
from
negligible:
here
one
might
bear
in
mind
that
non-Persian
dynasties
such
as
the
Ghaznavids,
Saljuqs
and
Ilkhanids
were
rapidly
to
adopt
the
Persian
language
and
have
their
origins
traced
back
to
the
ancient
kings
of
Persia
rather
than
to
Turkish
heroes
or
Muslim
saints
(Levy,
pp.
66
ff.;
Spuler,
pp.
176-77).
For
almost
a
century,
a
number
of
scholars
have
attempted
to
show
how
some
Persian
thinkers,
ever
since
the
formation
of
Muslim
culture,
perceived
themselves
as
the
inheritors
of
a
glorious
cultural
past
and
due
to
this
as
the
principal
players
serving
as
the
final
link
to
the
"History
of
Salvation",
i.e.
Islam
(von
Grunebaum,
pp.
175
ff.;
Morony
1976,
pp.
50-55;
idem
1982,
pp.
81-84).
From
Grignaschi
to
de
Fouche‚cour,
not
to
mention
Shaked
or
Tafazázáoli
(see
bibliograpy),
many
scholars
have
demonstrated
how
what
Gustave
von
Grunebaum
calls
"the
Persian
Humanities"
crystalised
around
the
figure
of
the
King
and
royal
ethics,
transmitted
to
Islamic
culture
by
the
"Mirrors
for
Princes"
literature.
All
that
constitutes
the
finest
subtlety
of
Persian
culture,
evoked
by
the
terms
adab
and/or
honar,
is
transmitted
by
this
genre
of
literature
and
essentially
by
the
Persian
language
(Rosenthal,
pp.
141-42;
Moháammadi
Mala@yeri,
I
and
II,
passim).
The
most
ardent
champions
of
this
Persian
cultural
identity
during
the
¿Abbasid
period,
one
knows,
were
the
state
secretaries
and
scribes
of
Persian
origin,
the
famous
kotta@b,
many
of
whom
were
members
of
the
æo¿ubiya
politico-intellectual
movement
and
for
whom
Ebn
Moqaffa÷
(executed
around
757)
was
the
emblematic
figure
(Gibb
1953,
passim;
Mottahedeh,
pp.
180-82;
Enderwitz,
index
s.v.
"Shu¿u@biyya").
May
one
conclude
that
the
ˆahrba@nu
tradition
emerged
in
the
milieu
of
pro-æo¿ubi
Persians?
It
is
quite
possible
given
that
in
the
9th
century,
the
very
moment
this
tradition
begins
to
circulate
in
its
various
versions,
the
æo¿ubiya
had
attained
its
peak.
Háosaynid
Shi¿ism,
in
opposition
to
Zaydite
Shi¿ism,
intellectual
"Persianism"
and
a
challenge
to
pro-Arab
Sunni
"orthodoxy",
for
the
historian
of
early
Islam
all
inevitably
evoke
the
atmosphere
of
the
court
of
Ma÷mun,
known
as
"Son
of
the
Persian
woman"
at
Marv,
in
Khorasan,
precisely
when
he
designated
the
Shi¿ite
Imam
of
Háosaynid
lineage,
¿Ali
al-Rezµa@,
as
his
inheritor,
in
the
year
815,
by
giving
him
the
emblematic
title
al-Rezµa@
men
a@l-e
M
oháammad,
seeking
thus
to
re-establish
the
alliance
between
¿Abbasids,
Alids
and
Persians
(Rekaya).
In
this
concern,
the
tradition
related
by
Ebn
Ba@buya
in
his
¿Oyun
(see
above)
seems
implicitly
to
contain
some
valuable
historical
information.
First,
it
seems
that
the
great
traditionist
of
Ray,
like
many
other
datas
of
the
same
work,
had
recorded
this
Hadith
in
Khorasan.
Next,
in
the
body
of
the
Hadith,
it
is
noted
that
the
comments
were
made
by
the
Imam
¿Ali
b.
Musa@
al-Rezµa@
when
in
Khorasan,
thus
once
already
designated
by
Ma÷mun
as
heir.
In
the
Hadith,
the
interlocutor
of
the
Imam
is
a
member
of
the
Persian
family
of
Nuæaja@ni
whose
pro-æo¿ubi
sympathies
and
influence
with
Ma÷mun
seem
well
established
(Amir-Moezzi
2002a,
pp.
520-23;
idem
2002b,
pp.
274-75).
In
addition,
during
this
period,
the
two
main
opponents
to
Ma÷mun
in
Baghdad,
namely
the
two
sons
of
the
¿Abbasid
caliph
Mahdi
(r.
775-85),
had
Persian
mothers
of
very
noble
anscestry:
Mansáur
(r.
754-75)
was
born
to
the
daughter
of
the
last
da@buyid
esfahbadò
(high
military
officer)
of
Táabaresta@n
and
Ebra@him
to
the
daughter
of
the
last
masámog@a@n
(great
Zoroastrian
priest)
of
Dama@vand
district
(Rekaya).
One
might
therefore
quite
reasonably
conclude
that
in
Ma÷mun's
entourage
one
sought
to
do
even
better
in
terms
of
his
successor
¿Ali
b.
Musa@
al-Rezµa@
descendant
of
Ha@æem
on
his
paternal
side,
had
as
grandmother,
a
lady
belonging
not
only
to
nobility,
but
to
no
less
than
the
Persian
royal
family.
Thus
the
ˆahrba@nu
legend
would
have
been
developed
in
the
pro-æo¿ubi
entourage
of
Ma÷mun,
in
Marv,
between
815
(year
of
the
proclamation
of
Imam
Rezµa@
as
heir
of
Ma÷mun)
and
818
(the
year
in
which
pro-Shi¿ite
policy
was
abandoned
by
Ma÷mun,
after
the
mysterious
deaths
of
Ma÷mun's
vizier
Fazµl
b.
Sahl
and
the
Imam
Rezµa@).
Oral
and
popular
traditions.
In
the
literary
tradition,
ˆahrba@nu
passes
away
either
upon
the
birth
of
her
son
Zayn
al-¿AÚbedin
(e.g.
in
Ebn
Ba@buya),
or
by
drowning
in
the
Euphrates
having
witnessed
the
massacre
of
her
family
at
Karbala@÷
(e.g.
in
Ebn
ˆahra@æub).
Popular
belief
decidedly
preferred
otherwise
as
if
seeking
a
more
glorious
death
for
its
princess.
In
a
pioneering
study
dedicated
to
popular
beliefs
regarding
ˆahrba@nu,
Sayyed
Ja¿far
ˆahidi
presents
the
most
recurrent
version
of
the
oral
legend
of
the
daughter
of
Yazdgerd
III,
here
called
Bibi
(respectable
Lady
or
grandmother)
ˆahrba@nu:
after
the
day
of
¿AÚæura@÷
(q.v.)
Bibi
ˆahrba@nu
is
able
to
escape,
as
had
predicted
her
husband,
with
D¨u
÷l-Jana@há,
the
horse
of
the
latter.
Pursued
by
her
terrifying
enemies,
she
reaches
up
to
the
mountain
Táabarak,
at
Ray,
in
central
Iran.
Hounded,
at
the
limits
of
her
strength,
alone,
she
invokes
God
to
be
delivered
from
her
assailants.
At
which
point,
the
mountain
miraculously
opens
and
offers
refuge
to
the
princess.
However,
a
tail
of
her
dress
remains
wedged
in
the
rock
when
it
closes
behind
her.
A
little
while
later,
her
pursuers
as
well
as
other
folk
find
the
fabric
in
the
rock,
realise
a
miracle
has
occurred
and
acknowledge
ˆahrba@nu
as
saint.
The
location
will
become
a
sanctuary
of
the
princess,
a
pilgrimage
site
to
remain
so
until
today
(ˆahidi,
pp.
186
ff.).
An
almost
identical
story
is
found
to
be
at
the
source
of
the
Zoroastrian
sanctuary
of
Ba@nu
Pa@rs
(Lady
of
Persia),
northwest
of
the
plain
of
Yazd
(Soruæia@n,
p.
204).
More
generally,
themes
such
as
the
escape
of
Persian
nobles
(often
members
of
the
royal
family)
from
the
Arabs
and
their
miraculous
rescue
by
God
thanks
to
elements
of
nature
are
frequently
appear
in
foundational
legends
of
Zoroastrian
sanctuaries
in
central
or
southern
Persia
(Soruæia@n,
pp.
205-11;
Strack,
I,
pp.
119
and
227-28).
According
to
ˆahidi,
as
well
as
the
classic
study
by
Karima@n,
on
the
ancient
city
of
Ray,
both
of
which
cite
the
archaelogical
work
undertaken
by
Sayyed
M.-T.
Mosátáafawi,
the
oldest
section
of
ˆahrba@nu's
sanctuary
dates
to
the
15th
century,
shortly
before
the
Safavid
period,
era
from
which
point
onward,
references
to
sanctuaries
indeed
become
more
frequent
(ˆahidi,
pp.
187-90;
Karima@n,
I,
pp.
403-16).
From
another
point
of
view,
information
from
Da@ra@b
Hormazya@r's
Reva@yat
(ed.
M.
R.
Unvala,
Bombay
1922,
II,
pp.158-59)
shows
that
the
sanctuary
of
Ba@nu
Pa@rs
was
already
active
during
the
15th
and
16th
centuries.
All
this
shows
that,
first,
almost
independently
of
the
literary
tradition,
the
oral
tradition
develops
and
attains
its
maturity
during
the
centuries
noted.
Next,
it
is
more
than
likely
that
the
foundational
legends
of
Zoroastrian
sanctuaries
had
been
at
the
source
of
the
oral
legend
about
ˆahrba@nu
and
her
sanctuary
in
Ray.
Moreover,
the
existence
of
an
antique
Zoroastrian
"tower
of
silence"
(dakma)
on
the
same
Táabarak
mountain,
slightly
to
the
north,
also
corroborates
the
presence
of
links
between
Zoroastrianism
and
the
site.
The
figure
of
Bibi
ˆahrba@nu
and
her
sanctuary
indeed
seem
to
constitute
in
some
measure
the
continuation
of
ancient
Mazdean
beliefs.
Moháammad
Ebra@him
Ba@sta@ni
Pa@rizi
also
takes
interest
in
Bibi
ˆahrba@nu
in
the
context
of
his
numerous
studies
on
Persian
toponyms
including
terms
meaning
"Woman",
"Lady",
"Princess",
"Daughter"
etc.
(ba@nu,
kòa@tun,
bibi,
doktar)
(Ba@sta@ni
Pa@rizi,
p.
246).
By
research
sifted
from
archaelogical
evidence,
literary
sources
and
folkloric
accounts,
he
was
able
to
establish
that
in
almost
all
cases,
locations
bearing
this
kind
of
name
housed
a
temple
and/
or
a
cult
of
Ana@hita@,
the
very
popular
goddesss
of
waters
and
fertility:
Ardw^su@r
Ana@h^d
(see
ANAÚH@IÚD)
of
the
Zoroastrian
pantheon
and,
it
seems
also,
"Patron"
of
the
Sasanians
(Girshman
1962,
p.149;
idem
1971,
p.
65;
but
see
also
the
nuances
introduced
by
Chaumont).
A
few
years
later,
based
on
a
well-documented
comparison
between
foundational
legends
of
Bibi
ˆahrba@nu
and
Ba@nu
Pa@rs,
Mary
Boyce
reached
the
same
conclusions
as
the
Iranian
scholar
(Boyce,
1967
passim).
The
title
Ba@nu
(Lady)
is
the
ancient
title
of
Ana@h^d.
Ever
since
the
Avesta,
the
goddess
is
named
Aredvi
sura@
ba@nu
(Lady
of
Waters).
In
Pahlavi
texts,
but
also
in
inscriptions
at
Esátáakòr
(q.v.)
and
Paikuli,
the
titles
ba@nu
or
a@ba@n
ba@nu
are
associated
with
Ana@h^d,
Ardw^su@r
or
Ardw^su@r
Amæa@sfand
(Boyce
1967,
pp.
36-37).
Although
no
trace
of
a
pre-Islamic
monument
had
been
found
at
Bibi
ˆahrba@nu,
citing
Herodotus
as
supporting
evidence,
M.
Boyce
believes
that
a
simple
rock,
near
a
source
of
water
(which
is
indeed
the
case
at
Bibi
ˆahrba@nu)
could
well
have
served
as
a
temple
for
the
cult
of
Ana@h^d.
In
a
more
recent
publication,
M.
Boyce
dates
the
cult
of
the
goddess
to
Ray
during
the
Parthian
period
(Boyce,
1982a,
p.
1004b).
What
still
again
corroborates
the
hypothesis
of
continuity
between
Ana@h^d
(goddess
of
waters
and
fertility)
and
ˆahrba@nu
(Mother
of
the
Imams)
is
first
that
in
a
number
of
popular
versions
of
the
legend,
the
latter
is
called
Háaya@t
Ba@nu
(Lady
of
Life)
and
secondly,
visits
to
the
sanctuary
at
Ray
are
exclusively
reserved
for
women,
more
specifically,
sterile
women
seeking
to
be
healed
there
(Ba@sta@ni
Pa@rizi,
p.
246;
Boyce
1967,
p.
38).
Apart
from
these
reasons,
the
choice
of
Ray
as
final
resting
place
for
ˆahrba@nu
may
also
be
explained
by
the
fact
that
it
was
from
this
city
that
in
641,
Yazdgerd
III
launched
a
last
appeal
to
his
people
to
put
up
strong
resistance
against
the
Muslim
troops
and
that
Ray,
although
almost
entirely
Persian
in
population,
had
always
been
one
of
the
most
important
bastions
of
all
forms
of
Shi¿ism
(Zaydism,
Isma¿ilism,
Qarmatism
and
Imamism)
until
the
12th
century
(Minorsky
and
Bosworth,
p.
488).
The
popularity
of
ˆahrba@nu
also
becomes
evident
by
its
strong
presence
in
the
Ta¿ziya
–
the
Shi¿ite
Persian
theatre.
In
their
catalogue
of
Ta¿ziya
plays
in
the
Cerulli
collection
kept
at
the
Vatican
Library,
E.
Rossi
and
A.
Bombaci
have
classified
more
than
thirty
pieces
in
which
the
Sasanian
princess
(sometimes
called
æa@h-e
zana@n)
has
a
role.
Usually,
the
scene
takes
place
on
the
day
of
Karbala@÷
and
the
play
describes
the
mourning
and
courage
of
the
martyred
Imam's
wife.
Many
plays
also
portray
the
princess
being
captured
and
especially
her
dialogue
and
complicity
with
¿Ali
(Rossi-Bombaci,
index,
see
"ˆahrba@nu").In
almost
all
these
works,
sympathy
for
Persia
and
its
pre-Islamic
past
are
readily
apparent.
Convergence
between
ancient
Persia
and
Imami
Shi¿ism
by
virtue
of
ˆahrba@nu
is
just
as
emphatic
in
some
popular
rituals
dedicated
to
the
wife
of
the
third
Imam.
Sacrifices
offered
to
Bibi
ˆahrba@nu
-
horses
and
lambs
-
are
the
same
as
those
offered
to
Ba@nu
Pa@rs/Ana@h^d
of
Yazd
(Boyce
1967,
pp.
42-43).
The
main
ritual
offering
in
the
sanctuary
at
Ray
is
a
bowl
of
water
(ˆahidi,
p.
189)
–
an
element
of
nature
of
which
Ana@h^d
is
the
goddess.
In
some
regions
of
Khorasan,
among
the
mourning
rituals
that
mark
the
first
ten
days
of
the
month
of
Moháarram
in
commemoration
of
the
death
of
the
martyrs
at
Karbala@÷,
elegies
dedicated
to
ˆahrba@nu
occupy
an
important
place.
Processions
reciting
these
elegies
almost
invariably
pass
by
a
Zoroastrian
cemetery,
if
not,
people
believe
that
the
villages
will
be
victim
to
drought
or
the
opposite,
floods,
that
is
to
say
in
either
case
natural
events
related
to
water
(ˆahidi,
pp.
180-81;
Eftekòa@rza@da,
pp.
130-32).
The
figure
of
ˆahrba@nu
may
be
situated
within
the
complex
network
of
relations
between
Persians
and
Shi¿ites.
These
relations
naturally
belong
to
the
wider
framework
of
the
attitude
of
Persians
towards
Islam
and
the
authorities
and
institutions
that
represent
it
during
the
early
centuries
of
the
hejra.
This
latter
phenomenon
has
been
studied
widely
in
its
many
forms
(Yarshater
1998,
bibliography;
Amir-Moezzi
2002a,
pp.
532-36).
On
the
other
hand,
links
of
a
religious
and
doctrinal
nature
between
ancient
Iranian
religions
and
Imami
Shi¿ism
constitute
a
field
of
research
that
still
remains
almost
completely
unexplored.
The
complex
material
of
the
ˆahrba@nu
tradition
forms
part
of
those
elements
that
link
Imamism
to
ancient
Persia
and
serve
to
revalidate
pre-Islamic
@Persian
culture.
Some
noteworthy
examples:
the
tradition
according
to
which
the
celestial
Book
of
Zoroaster
consisted
of
12000
volumes
containing
all
Knowledge
and
¿Ali
depicted
as
the
Knower
par
excellence
of
this
Book
(Kolayni
1956,
I,
p.
161;
Ebn
Ba@bawayh
1984,
p.
206);
the
tradition
praising
the
justice
of
Iranian
kings,
particularly
that
of
Anuæerva@n
(q.v.),
during
whose
reign
the
Prophet
was
born
(Majlesi,
XV,
pp.
250,
254,
279
ff.);
the
emblematic
figure
of
Salma@n
the
Persian
as
the
Persian
sage,
the
ideal
Muslim
and
archetype
of
the
Shi¿ite
initiate
adept
(Massignon,
passim);
the
glorification
of
two
of
the
most
important
Persian
festivals,
Nowruz
and
Mehrega@n
in
Hadiths
going
back
to
Shi¿ite
Imams
(Walbridge,
passim);
mourning
rituals
for
Imam
Háosayn
as
a
continuation
of
funerary
rituals
and
ancient
practices
for
the
Persian
hero
Siya@vaæ
(Meskub,
pp.
82
f
f.;Yarshater
1979,
pp.
80-95),
etc.
In
this
context,
and
when
we
acknowledge
the
fundamental
importance
of
the
affiliation
and
sacred
nature
of
the
link
among
the
awlia@÷
in
Shi¿ism
(Amir-Moezzi
2000,
passim),
the
figure
of
ˆahrba@nu
acquires
special
significance.
Adding
the
light
of
Persian
royal
glory
to
that
of
wala@ya,
stemming
from
Moháammad
and
¿Ali,
ˆahrba@nu
lends
double
legitimacy
-
Shi¿ite
and
Persian
to
its
descendants,
the
Imams
of
Háosaynid
lineage,
as
well
as
a
double
noblility,
Qorayshite
and
Sasanian.
At
the
same
time,
she
endows
the
kings
of
ancient
Persia,
with
the
status
of
maternal
ancestors
of
the
Imams,
thus
revalidating
the
sovereigns
and
the
culture
of
a
nation
of
which
she
is
the
Lady.
Thus,
she
becomes
one
of
the
main
links
in
the
relationship
between
pre-Islamic
Persia
and
Imamism.
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(MOHAMMAD
ALI
AMIR-MOEZZI)
January
31,
2005 |