|
SOGDIAN
TRADE.
The
people
of
Sogdiana
were
the
main
caravan
merchants
of
Central
Asia
from
the
5th
to
the
8th
century.
Origins.
Little
is
known
of
the
origins
of
Sogdian
trade.
The
first
mention
of
Sogdian
merchants
is
found
in
the
Shiji
(Shih
Chi),
written
around
100
BCE
and
based
on
reports
by
the
earliest
Chinese
envoys
to
Central
Asia:
"Although
the
states
from
Dayuan
west
to
Anxi
speak
rather
different
languages,
their
customs
are
generally
similar
and
their
languages
mutually
intelligible.
The
men
all
have
deepset
eyes
and
profuse
beards
and
whiskers.
They
are
skilful
at
commerce
and
will
haggle
over
a
fraction
of
a
cent"
(Sima
Qian,
in
Shiji,
chap.
123,
p.
3174;
tr.
Watson,
p.
245).
It
is
Sogdiana
that
is
here
referred
to
as
the
area
between
Dayuan
(Ferghana
[see
FARGÚAÚNA])
and
Anxi
(the
Parthian
empire).
This
description
contrasts,
however,
with
those
about
the
neighboring
regions,
where
the
presence
of
long-distance
merchants
is
emphasized.
Archeology
indeed
bears
witness,
for
the
period
before
our
era,
only
to
limited
regional
trade
in
Sogdiana
(turquoise
from
Ferghana
to
Samarkand),
contrasting
with
that
of
the
neighboring
regions
(Chinese
imports
to
Ferghana).
The
economy
appears
to
have
been
very
little
based
on
money
and,
rather,
to
have
been
dominated
by
agricultural
exchange.
China
of
the
Han
period
sent
numerous
embassies
with
a
large
number
of
rolls
of
silk
and
other
products
of
the
empire,
in
order
to
ingratiate
itself
with
the
nomadic
aristocracies
(Yuezhi,
Wusun,
Kangju)
who
dominated
political
life
in
Central
Asia,
so
as
to
fight
against
its
Xiongnu
enemies.
The
Sogdians
traded
with
the
Chinese
envoys
on
a
small
scale,
while
in
Bactria
and
Gandhara
merchants
discovered
how
much
they
would
be
able
to
benefit
by
developing
a
market
for
Chinese
silk
in
India,
Iran,
and
the
Hellenized
Near
East.
The
latter
decided
to
re-export
the
silk
brought
by
the
embassies
and
even
took
the
road
to
China,
pretending
to
be
ambassadors
so
as
to
buy
the
silk
right
at
its
source
(Han
shu
96
A,
p.
3885;
tr.
Hulsewe‚
and
Loewe,
p.
109).
The
Sogdians
were
to
imitate
them.
In
29
and
11
BCE,
ambassadors
from
Kangju,
a
nomad
state
centered
on
the
middle
reaches
of
the
Syr
Daria
but
at
that
time
including
Sogdiana,
presented
themselves
at
the
Chinese
court
pronouncing
the
word
"commerce"
(Han
shu,
chap.
96
A,
p.
3893;
tr.
Hulsewe‚
and
Loewe,
p.
128).
The
unification
of
southern
Central
Asia
and
northern
India
within
the
Kushan
empire
during
the
first
and
third
centuries
of
our
era
further
reinforced
the
importance
and
prosperity
of
the
powerful
merchants
from
Bactria
and
Taxila
and
led
to
the
creation
of
the
main
economic
center
of
the
Middle
East.
Buddhist
sources
show
that
Sogdian
merchants,
who
were
not
on
the
main
roads
situated
farther
to
the
south
(Ptolemy,
tr.
Ronca,
pp.
31-36,
misplaces
Samarkand)
emigrated
as
far
as
India,
benefiting
from
this
prosperity
(biography
of
the
monk
Kang
seng
hui
[Seng-Houei],
born
in
the
early
3rd
century,
tr.
Chavannes,
1909,
pp.
199-200;
Grenet,
1996).
The
Sogdians
were
then
the
pupils
and
apprentices
of
the
Kushan
merchants.
Part
of
the
commercial
Sogdian
vocabulary
is
of
Bactrian
origin
(Sims-Williams,
1996,
pp.
50-51).
The
Sogdian
commercial
network
grew
sufficiently
to
ensure
that
in
the
early
3rd
century,
in
Gansu,
the
representatives
of
Kushan
and
Sogdian
merchants
were
placed
on
the
same
level
and
together
participated
in
political
negotiations
(Sanguo
zhi,
chap.
4,
p.
895).
However,
the
main
proof
of
Sogdian
commercial
expansion
in
the
direction
of
China
is
provided
by
a
set
of
letters,
the
Sogdian
Ancient
Letters
(q.v.,
tr.
Sims-Williams,
2001;
Grenet,
Sims-Williams,
and
de
la
Vaissieàre,
2001).
Written
in
313
in
the
Gansu
corridor,
these
show
the
presence
of
Sogdian
merchant
communities
in
the
main
cities
of
the
region,
as
well
as
in
inner
China.
They
also
show
that
the
merchants
were
organized
within
networks.
The
second
letter,
written
in
Gansu,
is
addressed
to
Samarkand.
The
descendants
of
the
Kushan
rivals
are
also
mentioned
in
this
text,
since
the
Indian
(÷yntkwt)
and
Sogdian
communities
of
Luoyang
had
been
decimated
by
famine.
It
is
hard
to
tell
what
became
of
the
great
trade
during
the
following
century,
but
in
439
the
Sogdian
merchants
were
the
main
foreign
merchants
in
Gansu
(Wei
shu,
chap.
102,
p.
2270;
Enoki,
1955,
p.
44).
From
the
same
period,
in
the
passes
of
the
High
Indus,
are
found
more
than
600
inscriptions
by
Sogdian
caravaneers,
against
only
about
ten
Bactrian
inscriptions
(Sims-Williams,
1989,
1992)—a
fact
which
gives
evidence
of
the
replacement
of
Bactrian
merchants
by
Sogdians.
Growth.
From
the
5th
to
the
7th
century,
the
Sogdians
were
the
principal
long-distance
caravan
merchants
in
Central
Asia.
To
begin
with,
their
main
destination
was
northern
China.
From
the
5th
century
on,
this
area
was
the
goal
of
a
constant
flow
of
Sogdian
migrants
who
settled
in
the
main
towns,
some
of
them
managing
to
play
a
sufficiently
important
part
to
be
mentioned
in
the
sources
or
to
leave
behind
epitaphs
in
Chinese
summarizing
their
careers
(examples
in
Forte,
1995,
pp.
42-63;
Rong,
2000;
de
la
Vaissieàre
and
Trombert,
2004).
There
were
at
this
period
powerful
Sogdian
communities,
led
by
"caravan
chiefs"
(sartapao,
transcribed
sabao
in
Chinese,
Dien,
1962),
whose
hierarchy
became
part
of
the
Chinese
Mandarin
system
from
the
mid-6th
century
on
(Suishu,
chap.
27,
p.
756
and
chap.
28,
pp.
790-791;
de
la
Vaissieàre
and
Trombert,
2004).
We
do
not
know
whether
the
3rd-
and
4th-century
communities
of
inner
China
(as
in
Gansu)
were
continuations
of
the
earlier
ones
or
were
newly
created.
The
Sogdians
were
familiar
personalities
in
the
large
Chinese
cities
and
are
represented
by
innumerable
Tang
statuettes
with
beards
and
prominent
eyes
and
noses.
Tombs
of
Sogdian
merchants
have
been
found,
featuring
sumptuously
decorated
funerary
beds
in
stone
(Marshak,
2001).
Until
the
mid-8th
century,
the
Sogdian
trade
network
was
the
main
continental
medium
for
export
and
import
of
luxury
products
in
China
and
so
controlled
the
principal
transasiatic
trade
route.
In
Alexandria
in
550,
the
Nestorian
Cosmas
Indicopleustes
pointed
out
that
it
was
by
caravan
routes,
rather
than
by
sea,
that
Persia
received
most
of
its
silk
(Cosmas
Indicopleustes,
II,
pp.
45-46).
The
conquest
of
Central
Asia
by
Chinese
armies
no
doubt
changed
the
economic
conditions
within
which
the
Sogdian
merchants
operated.
From
640
to
755,
importations
of
western
luxury
products
increased
even
more
(Schafer,
1963);
but
with
a
view
mainly
to
finance
their
expansion
and
pay
their
troops,
the
Tang
empire
sent
more
than
10
percent
of
its
fiscal
receipts
to
the
West,
for
the
most
part
in
the
form
of
silk
and
hemp
rolls
(Trombert,
2000,
pp.
108-9)—a
manna
from
which
the
Sogdians
benefited
as
the
main
intermediaries
of
this
great
trade.
The
other
great
zone
of
expansion
of
Sogdian
trade
was
the
steppes.
We
have
no
sources
directly
dealing
with
trade
in
the
steppes
during
the
early
Middle
Ages,
but
the
Chinese
and
the
nomadic
powers
often
used
Sogdian
merchants
as
gobetweens,
and
this
provides
us
with
some
information
about
their
activities.
From
their
bases
in
Gansu
and
Turfan,
the
Sogdians
set
off
as
small
peddlers
traveling
among
the
tribes
from
the
5th
century
on
and
perhaps
even
much
earlier
(Wei
shu,
chap.
103,
p.
2310;
de
la
Vaissieàre,
2002,
pp.
202-4).
The
Sogdian
language
loaned
to
Turkic
certain
significant
words
(Old
Turkic
bor±
"debt,"
Sogd.
pwrc;
or
Uighur
styr
"coin,"
Sogd.
styr).
The
birth
of
the
Turkish
empire
and
its
extension
throughout
the
entire
steppes
greatly
contributed
to
the
economic
power
of
the
Sogdian
merchants.
They
provided
the
Turks
with
their
first
chancellery
language
and
administrative
infrastructure.
The
first
known
Turkic
inscription,
at
Bugut
in
Mongolia,
is
in
Sogdian
(Klyaætornyj
and
Livæic,
1972
**),
and
the
first
historical
text
to
mention
the
Turks
from
the
standpoint
of
the
Chinese
connects
them
with
the
Sogdians
(Zhou
shu,
chap.
50,
p.
908).
Menander
Protector's
history
does
likewise
on
the
Byzantine
side;
in
particular,
it
reports
an
actual
case,
within
the
period
568-75,
of
how
the
Sogdians
used
their
diplomatic
influence
with
the
Turks
to
open
up
new
markets.
After
failing
with
the
Sasanians,
the
Sogdian
merchants
persuaded
the
kòa@qa@n
to
get
in
touch
with
Byzantium
in
order
to
export
the
thousands
of
silk
rolls
which
China
paid
as
tribute
to
the
Turks
(Menander,
tr.
Blockley,
pp.
111-15).
Under
Turkish
protection,
and
later
under
that
of
the
succeeding
states,
the
Sogdians
established
themselves
within
the
trade
of
the
western
steppe.
In
the
7th
century,
when
a
trading
entrepôt
under
Khazar
protection
was
founded
in
the
Crimea,
it
bore
the
name
Sogdaia.
During
this
period
almost
half
of
the
Sasanian
and
Central
Asian
silver
dishes
found
near
the
Urals
had
gone
through
Sogdian
or
Khwarezmian
hands,
and
in
the
8th
century,
three-quarters
had
done
so
(de
la
Vaissieàre,
2000,
pp.
368-69).
Sogdiana
was
the
center
where
some
of
the
luxury
fabrics
imported
by
Byzantium
and
the
West
were
traded
at
that
time
(Shepherd
and
Henning,
1959).
In
the
east,
at
the
border
between
the
steppe
and
the
Chinese
world,
the
Sogdians
also
played
a
great
part
north
of
the
Ordos.
Here
they
bred
and
sold
horses,
the
principal
trade
of
the
region
in
the
8th
century
(Pulleybank,
1952,
pp.
331
f.),
and
their
hold
was
such
that
the
northern
Ordos
was
called
the
"Six
Sogdian
prefectures,"
both
in
Chinese
and
in
Turkish
(Klyashtorny¥,
1964,
pp.
78-101).
South
of
the
Ordos,
there
were
also
Sogdian
families
controlling
the
Tang
stud
farms
(the
Shi
family
of
Guyuan,
whose
tombs
have
been
found;
Luo
Feng,
2001).
Lastly,
in
Manchuria,
the
Chinese
employed
Iranian-speaking
merchants,
most
probably
Sogdians,
to
facilitate
trade
on
their
military
marches
(Jiu
Tang
shu,
chap.
185,
p.
4814).
In
Central
Asia,
the
Sogdians
controlled
their
own
internal
market
but
also
extended
their
scope
over
neighboring
regions.
At
Turfan,
Chinese
documents
found
in
the
cemeteries
of
the
city
mention
several
hundreds
of
Sogdians
(de
la
Vaissieàre
and
Trombert,
2004),
and
a
fragment
of
the
customs
register
regarding
the
caravans
shows
that
among
35
operations,
the
Sogdians
were
involved
in
29
(Skaff,
1998,
pp.
89-95).
This
activity
is
mentioned
in
sale
contracts,
records
of
lawsuits,
and
census
lists.
They
played
a
major
part
in
all
aspects
of
life
in
the
oasis,
besides
its
commerce.
At
Khotan
the
Sogdians
are
mentioned
without
exact
indication
of
the
role
they
played
there.
To
the
west,
Khwarezm
(K_va@razm)
entered
into
the
Sogdian
monetary
zone
at
a
later
period,
in
the
8th
century.
It
was
in
the
south
that
the
Sogdians
settled
least
successfully.
Even
if
they
were
present
at
Marv
in
the
8th
century
(T®abari,
II,
p.
1022),
the
Sasanian
kings
previously
must
have
prevented
them
from
proceeding
farther
west,
so
as
to
protect
their
domestic
market
(Menander,
tr.
Blockley,
pp.
111-15).
Conduct
of
trade.
Sogdian
trade
was
not
distinguished
by
any
technical
innovations
which
might
be
precisely
attributed
to
it.
In
the
present
archeological
data,
no
Sogdian
caravanseries
are
known.
The
Sogdians
sheltered
their
caravans
in
the
broad
courts
of
their
fortified
places.
In
safe
areas,
the
Sogdians
traveled
in
small
convoys
(examples
in
Arakawa,
2001),
if
not
in
large
caravans.
There
are
no
known
treaties
of
Sogdian
law,
as
there
are
in
Sasanian
Iran.
The
formulary
of
sale
contracts
was
for
the
most
part
inherited
from
Babylonia,
transmitted
by
the
Achaemenids,
and
sometimes
modified
in
terms
of
the
Chinese
law
(Sims-Williams,
1996).
Sogdian
trade
was
not
based
on
the
intrinsic
value
of
a
currency,
unlike
Sasanian
trade
or
Samanid
trade,
which
followed
that
of
the
Sogdians
in
Transoxiana.
When
the
Arab
armies
conquered
Sogdiana
in
the
early
8th
century,
the
Chinese
silk
scroll
served
to
pay
the
major
expenses
(Smirnova,
1960,
according
to
Bal'ami;
T®abari,
II,
p.
1689,
III,
pp.
79-80).
Besides
silk,
the
Sogdians
traded
musk,
slaves,
precious
metals,
silverware,
amber,
and
other
things.
The
register
of
the
Turfan
customs
also
mentions
brass,
cucurma
(turmeric),
sal
ammoniac,
medicinal
plants,
candy
sugar,
and
perfumes.
We
have
no
idea
of
the
volume
of
trade.
By
crosschecking,
we
can
calculate
that
the
price
of
silk
transported
by
the
Sogdians
doubled
between
Dunhuang
and
Samarkand
in
the
first
half
of
the
8th
century
(de
la
Vaissieàre,
2002,
p.
267).
Decline
and
disappearance.
Sogdian
trade
was
greatly
diminished
by
two
events
in
the
8th
century.
The
conquest
of
Sogdiana
by
Arab
armies
was
slow
and
difficult,
and
it
partially
ruined
the
country.
Above
all,
the
An
Lushan
rebellion
in
China
in
755
(Pulleybank,
1955)
profoundly
changed
the
imperial
economy
and
put
an
end
to
the
symbiosis
under
which
Sogdian
trade
had
existed
for
a
century.
The
Chinese
garrisons
were
evacuated
from
Central
Asia,
and
there
were
constant
wars
among
Chinese,
Uighurs,
and
Tibetans
in
the
Tarim
basin
and
in
Gansu,
thus
preventing
trade
for
a
long
time.
In
China,
the
Sogdians
were
deeply
involved
in
a
rebellion
led
by
one
of
them.
Even
if
part
of
the
Sogdians
remained
loyal
to
the
Tang,
they
started
to
hide
their
foreign
origins
(de
la
Vaissieàre
and
Trombert,
2004).
We
have
very
little
information
about
the
period
from
the
mid-8th
century
to
the
late
9th
century,
due
to
a
lack
of
Chinese
and
Arabic
sources
on
Central
Asia.
Sogdian
trade
certainly
experienced
a
lasting
break.
When
it
recovered
at
the
beginning
of
the
9th
century,
this
occurred
within
the
framework
of
the
Uighur
empire,
which
until
840
extended
all
over
northern
Central
Asia
and
obtained
from
the
weakened
Tang
enormous
deliveries
of
silk
in
exchange
for
horses.
The
Sogdians
played
an
important
political
part
in
the
Uighur
empire,
and
caravans
of
Sogdians
traveling
to
Upper
Mongolia
are
mentioned
in
Chinese
sources
(Mackerras,
1972,
p.
89).
They
played
an
equally
important
religious
and
cultural
role
(cf.
Tremblay,
2001
on
the
spread
of
Manicheism).
Part
of
the
data
about
eastern
Asia
provided
by
Muslim
geographers
of
the
10th
century
actually
goes
back
to
Sogdian
data
of
the
period
750-840
and
thus
shows
the
survival
of
links
between
east
and
west.
However,
after
the
end
of
the
Uighur
empire,
Sogdian
trade
went
through
a
second
crisis.
Although
some
Sogdian
merchants
traveling
to
China
are
still
mentioned
in
the
first
third
of
the
10th
century
(Mas¿udi,
tr.
Pellat,
I,
p.
142),
they
disappeared
afterwards.
What
mainly
issued
from
Muslim
Central
Asia
was
the
trade
of
the
Samanids,
which
resumed
the
northwestern
road
leading
to
the
Khazars
and
the
Urals
and
the
northeastern
one
toward
the
nearby
Turkic
tribes.
These
were
roads
already
familiar
to
the
Sogdians,
but
within
very
different
economic
conditions.
(On
the
part
played
by
silver
money
in
the
commerce
of
the
later
period,
see
Noonan,
1984
and
1992.)
However,
no
Samanid
coin
has
been
found
in
China,
and
Chinese
porcelain
is
almost
absent
in
Samanid
Samarkand.
Sogdian
trade,
which
was
based
on
barter
and
on
the
connections
with
China,
disappeared,
and
the
expatriate
Sogdian
communities
became
assimilated
(Sims-Williams
and
Hamilton,
1990).
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