| AUSTRIA,
Diplomatic
and
Commercial
Relations
with
Persia.
Diplomatic
and
commercial
relations
between
Austria
and
Persia
have
a
long
history,
stretching
back
to
the
sixteenth
century.
At
that
time
Shah
Esma@¿il
I
had
founded
the
Safavid
dynasty
in
Persia,
while
the
Hapsburg
rulers
of
Austria
were
at
the
same
time
the
German
kings
and
emperors
of
the
Holy
Roman
Empire
(Heiliges
Römisches
Reich
Deutscher
Nation).
The
Hapsburgs
maintained
this
status
until
1806,
when
Franz
II
surrendered
the
crown
of
the
Holy
Roman
Empire
after
having
crowned
himself
Austrian
Emperor
in
1804.
The
Safavids
and
the
Hapsburgs
had
a
common
enemy
—
the
Ottoman
Empire,
which
was
trying
to
expand
both
westwards
and
eastwards.
Esma@¿il
I
had
already
established
relations
with
Venice
and
the
Papal
Court,
because
the
Venetians
dominated
the
trade
in
the
Levant
and
maintained
representatives
in
Tabriz.
In
1518,
he
proposed
an
alliance
against
the
Turks.
However,
since
the
relations
he
had
already
established
failed
to
produce
a
positive
result,
in
October
1523
he
sent
the
monk
Petrus
de
Monte
Libano
(Maronita)
directly
to
Emperor
Karl
V
of
Austria
and
Ludwig
II
of
Hungary
with
the
same
offer
(Du
Mans,
p.
I;
Palombini,
pp.
63-65;
Lanz,
I,
p.
52;
Babinger,
p.
3;
Schuster-Walser,
p.
11).
Karl
V
accepted
the
offer
in
principle,
not
knowing
that
it
had
become
invalidated
with
the
death
of
Esma@¿il
I
in
1524
(Lanz,
I,
pp.
168).
In
1526,
King
Ludwig
II
of
Hungary
was
killed
in
a
battle
against
the
Turks,
and
Ferdinand,
the
brother
of
Karl
V,
was
elected
king
of
Bohemia
and
Hungary.
From
now
on
the
Hapsburgs
had
to
defend
the
extreme
eastern
border
of
the
Empire.
Therefore
they
were
eagerly
looking
for
allies
who
could
create
the
desired
diversion
of
the
Turks.
In
1529,
Johann
v.
Balbi
was
sent
to
Shah
Tahma@sp
I
(Palombini,
p.
66;
Babinger,
p.
3;
Lanz,
I,
pp.
292).
Karl
V
informed
the
Shah
that
he
and
his
brother
Ferdinand
would
attack
the
Turks
the
following
year,
and
asked
Tahma@sp
to
attack
from
the
rear
so
that
together
they
could
overwhelm
their
common
enemy.
However,
it
took
Balbi
more
than
a
year
to
reach
the
Persian
Court,
during
which
time
the
situation
had
changed
completely.
The
shah
had
to
make
peace
with
the
Sultan
because
the
Uzbeks
were
threatening
Persia
from
the
east,
so
all
the
endeavors
of
Balbi
failed.
The
envoys
Pietro
da
Negro
and
Simon
de
Lillis,
who
had
been
dispatched
by
King
Ferdinand
to
Persia,
could
not
bring
positive
news
back
to
Europe
either
(Neck,
pp.
72,
85,
86;
Palombini,
p.
70;
Afshar,
p.
21).
In
the
following
years,
good
relations
were
maintained
with
legations
being
mentioned
for
the
years
1532,
1533
and
1540
(Neck,
p.
72),
but
the
domestic
problems
of
the
two
powers
and
the
long
distance
between
them
prevented
closer
cooperation.
For
this
reason
there
was
no
direct
trade
between
Austria
and
Persia.
The
relatively
poor
commercial
relations
relied
on
intermediaries.
Furthermore,
Persia
was
shaken
by
turmoil
after
the
death
of
Tahma@sp
I,
until
Shah
¿Abba@s
I
finally
managed
to
consolidate
control
of
the
country.
Persia
then
found
peace
for
the
first
time
in
many
years.
The
next
contact
between
Austria
and
Persia
was
initiated
by
Emperor
Rudolf
II
who
resided
in
Prague.
He
sent
a
message
to
Shah
¿Abba@s
via
the
Persian
minister
in
Moscow
in
1593
(Kochwasser,
p.
28).
By
coincidence,
the
British
subjects
Anthony
and
Robert
Sherley
arrived
in
Persia
in
1598
and
met
Shah
¿Abba@s
I
in
Isfahan.
Anthony
Sherley,
a
cunning
adventurer,
successfully
curried
favor
with
Shah
¿Abba@s
I
(Le
Strange,
p.
227),
who
decided
to
send
a
legation
to
the
European
Courts,
and
especially
to
Rudolf
II,
in
order
to
build
an
alliance
against
the
Turks
(Babinger,
p.
5;
Schuster-Walser,
p.
73;
Hinz,
p.
408;
Kochwasser,
p.
29;
Gabriel,
p.
67).
The
basic
idea
was
to
begin
hostilities
simultaneously
and
to
agree
that
none
of
the
allies
should
make
peace
with
the
enemy
separately.
In
1599,
the
Persian
ambassador
H®osayn-¿Ali
Beg,
4
nobles,
5
interpreters
and
the
necessary
staff
left
Isfahan.
Anthony
Sherley,
a
well
experienced
traveler
with
a
command
of
several
languages,
served
not
only
as
the
guide
but
also,
more
or
less,
as
the
head
of
the
legation
(Du
Mans,
pp.
VI-VIII;
Babinger,
p.
6
ff.;
Le
Strange,
p.
234;
Kochwasser,
p.
29;
Slaby,
p.
12
ff.).
The
legation
was
received
by
Emperor
Rudolf
II
on
7
November
1600.
All
the
members
of
the
legation
were
deeply
impressed
by
the
sumptuousness
of
the
imperial
palace
on
the
Hradschin,
the
courtly
splendor
of
the
reception
and
the
affable
condescension
of
the
Emperor
(Le
Strange,
pp.
274-78)
during
their
stay
of
several
months
in
Prague.
The
formal
response
to
Shah
¿Abba@s,
dated
11
December
1600
(MHH,
pp.
88-91),
was
finally
handed
over,
and
on
5
February
1601
the
legation
left
Prague
to
head
for
Italy,
Rome
and
Spain.
It
is
not
known
precisely
when
it
arrived
back
in
Persia
after
having
visited
several
European
Courts
and
the
Pope
in
Rome
(Le
Strange,
p.
9).
It
can
be
taken
for
granted
that
Ambassador
H®osayn-¿Ali
Beg
returned
disappointed
and
embittered,
because
Anthony
Sherley
had
ruined
the
purpose
of
the
legation
by
stealing
nearly
all
the
gifts
for
the
European
rulers
(Le
Strange,
p.
284;
Du
Mans,
p.
IX;
Babinger,
p.
30;
Schuster-Walser,
p.
49)
and
amassing
debts
wherever
he
went.
Furthermore,
several
of
his
companions
had
become
Christians
and
chose
not
to
return
to
their
homeland
(Le
Strange,
p.
9;
Babinger,
pp.
3,
30).
On
27
August
1602,
the
Austrian
legation
under
Stephan
Kakasch
von
Zalonkemeny
left
Prague
with
the
order
to
confirm
the
agreement
of
a
mutual
assistance
treaty
(Du
Mans,
pp.
XI;
Schuster-Walser,
p.
73;
Kochwasser,
p.
29;
Gabriel,
pp.
56).
No
member
of
the
mission
survived
the
journey
except
Georg
Tectander
von
der
Jabel,
who
met
Shah
¿Abba@s
I
on
15
November
1603
in
Tabriz,
which
had
been
captured
from
the
Turks
just
one
week
earlier.
Tectander
handed
over
the
letters
of
the
emperor
and
stayed
for
nearly
a
whole
year
with
the
Persian
court.
In
Isfahan,
he
was
graciously
dismissed
by
the
shah
and,
accompanied
by
the
Persian
envoy
Mahdi
Qoli
Beg,
returned
to
Prague
(Wolkan,
pp.
85-92,
117-19;
Kochwasser,
p.
30;
Schuster-Walser,
p.
73;
Gabriel,
p.
57).
Prior
to
his
arrival
in
the
autumn
of
1605,
a
second
Persian
legation
under
Zaynal
Khan
Shamlu
had
reached
Prague,
and
had
been
received
in
a
similar
way
as
the
first
one
(Kochwasser,
p.
30).
However,
none
of
these
legations
and
missions
produced
a
decisive
result.
Due
to
the
distances
involved
and
the
duration
of
the
journey,
no
dates
could
be
fixed
for
simultaneous
action,
and
then,
contrary
to
all
agreements,
Emperor
Rudolf
II
made
peace
with
the
Turks
in
1606
(Schuster-Walser,
p.
60).
Shah
¿Abba@s
I
was
deeply
disappointed
and
lost
all
confidence
in
this
European
ally,
so
Persian
relations
with
the
West
cooled
off
significantly.
Several
other
legations,
such
as
the
one
under
Wratislaw
v.
Dohna
(Gabriel,
p.
57;
Schuster-Walser,
p.
73;
Kochwasser,
p.
31;
Hinz,
p.
409)
and
another
Persian
mission
under
¿Ali-Qoli
Beg
in
1609,
did
not
bring
any
change.
The
Hapsburgs
now
had
to
deal
with
grave
religious
problems
within
their
empire
(the
rise
of
Protestantism)
and
therefore
tried
to
maintain
peace
with
the
Turks.
After
the
end
of
the
"Thirty
Years
War,"
all
the
European
courts
ran
short
of
money
and
tried
to
increase
their
income
through
the
means
at
their
disposal:
taxes,
tolls
and
tariffs.
Therefore
every
effort
was
made
to
improve
the
administration
and
to
foster
trade
and
export.
The
time
of
mercantilism
had
arrived.
In
the
meantime,
the
imperial
Court
had
moved
from
Prague
to
Vienna.
The
peace
treaty
between
the
Hapsburgs
and
the
Ottoman
Empire
included
favorable
terms
for
trade
within
and
beyond
Turkish
borders.
The
merchants
had
to
pay
only
3%
customs
duty
(Hassinger,
1942,
p.
6).
This
seemed
an
opportunity
for
a
wide
range
of
profitable
activities,
and
led,
in
1667,
to
the
founding
of
the
first
Austrian
Oriental
Trade
Company
in
Vienna
(Hassinger,
1949,
pp.
90).
The
traders
used
the
waterway
of
the
Danube
to
bring
their
goods
to
the
Black
Sea,
whence
they
sailed
to
Istanbul
and
Trabzon.
From
there
the
goods
could
be
transported
on
land
to
Tabriz,
the
most
important
marketplace
in
Persia
at
the
time.
Among
the
first
things
imported
from
Persia
in
1668
were
cotton
veils
and
silk
products
(Hassinger,
1942,
p.
22).
Persian
silk
and
silk
threads
were
especially
sought
as
raw
material
for
silk
manufacture.
Contacts
were
made
initially
by
intermediaries,
while
the
first
direct
contracts
were
concluded
only
in
1678
(Hassinger,
1942,,
p.
50).
Unfortunately
the
last
wave
of
Turkish
expansion
to
the
West,
culminating
in
the
siege
of
Vienna
in
1683,
brought
an
end
to
the
first
Austrian
Oriental
Trade
Company.
However,
it
should
be
remembered
that
this
company
was
the
very
first
to
make
direct
commercial
contacts
with
Persia.
At
the
end
of
the
seventeenth
and
the
beginning
of
the
eighteenth
century
the
Hapsburgs
were
defeating
the
Turks,
enabling
an
expansion
of
their
empire
into
parts
of
Hungary
which
had
previously
been
part
of
the
Ottoman
Empire,
as
well
as
the
Banat
and
Transylvania.
The
peace-treaty
of
Passarowitz
was
signed
in
1718
(Meyer,
XVI,
p.
200),
and
the
subsequent
trade
agreement
included
a
significant
stipulation:
all
imperial
subjects
could
trade
freely
in
the
Mediterranean
Sea,
in
the
Black
Sea,
on
the
Danube
and
throughout
the
Ottoman
Empire,
and
protection
of
trade
from
and
to
Persia
was
guaranteed.
This
agreement,
which
became
the
basis
for
the
future
development
of
commercial
ties,
reveals
Austria's
special
interest
in
Persia.
Nonetheless,
in
the
eighteenth
century
diplomatic
and
commercial
relations
between
Austria
and
Persia
did
not
improve.
A
second
Oriental
Trade
Company
had
been
founded
in
Vienna
in
1719,
but
after
only
25
years
it
was
forced
into
liquidation.
Such
was
the
fate
of
the
Ostende
Trade
Company,
which
survived
only
9
years,
because
Karl
VI
had
to
make
concessions
to
other
states
in
Europe,
especially
to
France
and
Britain,
in
order
to
secure
the
succession
of
his
daughter
Maria
Theresia
(Slaby,
p.
27).
Thus
Austria
never
became
a
sea
power
of
any
significance
(Hassinger,
1949,
pp.
91;
Marschalek,
pp.
4-8),
although
cultural
relations
with
Persia
flourished
nevertheless,
and
Vienna
becoming
the
center
of
research
on
Persia.
Many
palaces
and
major
buildings
in
Vienna
even
today
show
the
influence
of
Persian
architecture.
In
1754,
the
Oriental
Academy
was
founded
in
Vienna
for
the
purpose
of
teaching
about
the
Orient
and
training
interpreters
in
Turkish,
Persian
and
Arabic.
It
was
through
this
very
institution
that
knowledge
of
Persian
literature
and
culture
spread
widely
in
Europe
during
the
eighteenth
century
(Slaby,
pp.
31).
The
nineteenth
century
witnessed
several
changes
in
geopolitics.
In
Central
Europe
the
dream
of
the
Holy
Roman
Empire
had
come
to
an
end,
and
the
Austrian
Empire
consisted
from
now
on
of
only
the
home
kingdoms
and
provinces
of
the
Hapsburgs.
Meanwhile,
rivalries
between
the
two
great
imperial
powers,
the
British
and
the
Russians,
were
threatening
Persian
independence.
The
foothold
which
the
British
gained
on
the
Indian
subcontinent
and
their
supremacy
in
the
Persian
Gulf
entirely
changed
the
relationship
between
the
two
countries.
To
the
north,
Russia
expanded
continuously
southwards
and
in
the
first
decades
of
the
century
a
considerable
amount
of
Persian
territory
was
permanently
appropriated.
As
a
result
of
this
situation,
Persia
began
to
develop
diplomatic
ties
with
other
European
countries,
which
mostly
seemed
disinterested,
and
thus
Austria
became
one
of
the
most
attractive
countries
for
Persia
in
this
respect.
In
1810,
a
Persian
legation
which
had
already
been
to
London
and
Paris
passed
through
Vienna.
This
mission
had
no
special
brief,
but
was
more
or
less
a
courtesy-visit
to
reactivate
old
ties.
In
1818,
another
legation
left
Tehran,
under
Mirza@
Abu'l-H®asan
Khan,
for
Istanbul,
Paris
and
London,
while
his
nephew
Mirza@
¿Abd-al-H®osayn
Khan
ˆira@zi
was
appointed
ambassador
to
Vienna
(Busse,
pp.
155,
159).
Both
ambassadors
reached
Vienna
in
February
1819.
The
audience
took
place
on
February
8,
and
the
letters
of
Fathá-¿Ali
Shah
were
then
presented
to
Emperor
Franz
I.
While
Mirza@
Abu'l-H®asan
Khan
headed
for
London,
Mirza@
¿Abd-al-H®osayn
Khan
ˆira@zi
left
Vienna
on
14
March
1819.
This
visit
was
also
no
more
than
a
courtesy
call
and
an
exchange
of
letters.
A
very
detailed
description
of
this
visit
has
been
given
by
the
famous
Orientalist
Hammer-Purgstall,
who
had
acted
as
interpreter
(HHStA).
Although
diplomatic
relations
failed
to
develop
significantly,
commercial
ties
did
improve.
The
shifting
of
trade
from
land
to
sea
routes
proved
favorable
for
the
Austrian
shipping
companies.
The
most
important
port
for
traffic
from
the
north
to
Persia
was
Trabzon.
Austria
had
two
possible
ways
to
reach
there.
Ships
could
either
start
from
Trieste
and
enter
the
Black
Sea
via
Istanbul,
or
sail
on
the
Danube
to
Galatz,
where
the
goods
could
be
reloaded
onto
bigger
steamers
for
the
journey
to
Trabzon.
Thus
in
1830,
out
of
26
ships
arriving
in
Trabzon,
11
were
sailing
under
the
Austrian
flag,
and,
in
1833,
15
ships
came
directly
from
Trieste
(Slaby,
p.
48).
In
this
year
2,600
colliers
were
unloaded
with
goods
to
the
value
of
1,380,000
florins.
Most
of
the
goods,
consisting
mainly
of
woolens
and
glassware,
were
transported
to
Tabriz
on
either
of
two
routes:
one
led
from
Trabzon
via
Erzurum
to
Tabriz,
the
other,
which
was
shorter,
reached
Tabriz
via
Batumi,
Tiflis,
Yerevan
and
Julfa
(Blau,
p.
238;
Polak,
II,
p.
189).
In
1837,
the
Danube
Steamship
Company
(DDSG)
started
its
first
regular
service
with
the
steamer
called
"Fernando,"
and
soon
earned
the
rewards
for
its
perseverance
(Issawi,
p.
99;
Gödel,
p.
3).
Later
on,
the
line
was
taken
over
by
the
"Austrian
Lloyd"
(Issawi,
p.
93;
Kochwasser,
p.
51;
Stolze,
p.
48;
Blau,
p.
149).
Trade
increased
such
that
the
value
of
Austrian
exports
to
Persia
reached
5,800,000
florins
by
1842,
while
the
imports
from
Persia
amounted
to
1,600,000
florins.
(Figures
on
the
Austrian
export
to
and
import
from
Persia
through
the
Persian
Gulf
area
are
not
available,
as
the
British
dominated
the
entire
traffic.)
There
were
even
deliberations
in
1845
to
establish
an
Austrian
honorary
consulate
in
Tehran,
but
the
Foreign
Ministry
refused,
claiming
that
the
amount
of
trade
was
not
enough
to
justify
such
a
measure
(HHStA,
FA
Präs.
10011
ex
1845).
In
1848,
by
strange
coincidence,
a
young
ruler
came
to
the
throne
in
both
Austria
and
Persia:
in
Persia
Na@sáer-al-Din
became
shah,
while
in
Austria
Franz
Joseph
I
became
emperor,
both
at
just
18
years
old.
Each
was
confronted
with
disturbances
within
his
own
country.
In
Europe
it
was
the
year
of
revolution,
while
in
Persia
religious
disturbances
broke
out
due
to
the
Ba@bi
movement.
These
problems
were
not
so
difficult
to
overcome,
but
the
pressure
on
Persia
due
to
British
and
Russian
rivalries
made
matters
even
worse.
Therefore
the
Grand
Vizier
Mirza@
Taqi
Khan
Amir
Kabir
tried
to
extract
his
country
from
this
pincer-like
embrace
by
enhancing
modernization
with
the
aid
of
foreigners.
In
1850,
the
Da@r
al-fonun
was
founded
as
a
polytechnic
school
in
Tehran.
Amir
Kabir
sent
Ja@n
Da@wud
Khan
to
Vienna
to
hire
teachers
and
military
instructors
specifically
for
this
new
institution
(Issawi,
p.
293;
Polak,
I,
pp.
298,
301;
Brugsch,
I,
p.
307),
and
six
Austrians
each
signed
a
contract
to
work
there
for
several
years.
This
first
Austrian
military
mission
to
Persia
was
not
an
official
one,
because
the
Austrian
authorities
wished
to
avoid
any
suspicion
that
they
might
have
political
intentions
in
this
area.
However,
among
the
members
of
the
mission
there
were
two
men
who
proved
to
be
of
major
importance
for
the
future
relations
between
the
two
countries,
namely
the
artillery-officer
August
Krziz,
who
drew
the
first
map
of
Tehran,
and
the
physician
Jacob
Eduard
Polak,
who
worked
to
improve
relations
and
spread
knowledge
about
Persia
in
Europe.
As
the
commercial
relations
between
the
two
countries
continued
to
improve,
it
seemed
necessary
also
to
come
to
an
official
political
understanding.
The
first
steps
towards
this
were
taken
in
1851/52,
but
they
didn't
achieve
a
positive
result
(Slaby,
pp.
86).
In
1855,
Da@wud
Khan
was
again
sent
to
Vienna
to
hand
over
the
Persian
draft
of
a
bilateral
treaty.
Vienna
was
unable
to
agree,
since
the
draft
did
not
contain
the
reciprocal
"most
favored"
nation
clause
(HHStA,
St-K,
Admin.
Reg.
F
34,
Karton
3).
The
counter-draft
was
sent
to
Tehran
in
1856.
The
reply
from
Persia
was
handed
over
in
Istanbul
by
Mirza@
Malcolm
Khan
to
the
Austrian
internuntius
Count
Prokesch-Osten
(the
title
internuntius
was
a
special
one
for
the
Austrian
Ambassador
to
the
Ottoman
Court).
The
negotiations
became
difficult.
Austria,
although
an
independent
country,
was
at
the
same
time
member
of
the
German
Confederation
and
Customs
Union,
and
so
they
demanded
the
possible
inclusion
of
German
states
into
the
treaty.
The
Persians
did
not
understand
this
desire
(Gobineau,
p.
107),
but
Farrokò
Khan
GÚaffa@ri
Ka@æa@ni,
Amin-al-Dawla,
(q.v.),
was
ordered
to
bring
the
negotiations
with
Austria
to
an
end
while
he
was
staying
in
Paris
to
make
the
peace-agreement
with
the
British
in
1857
(Fragner,
pp.
30-36).
Thus
the
first
Austro-Persian
"Friendship-,
Trade-
and
Shipping-Treaty"
was
agreed
in
Paris
on
17
May
1857.
The
Austrians
had
the
right
to
establish
consulates
in
Tehran
and
Tabriz,
as
well
as
at
one
place
in
the
Gulf,
while
the
Persians
could
establish
consulates
in
Vienna,
Venice
and
Trieste
(Hübner,
II,
pp.
4,7,12,19,41;
Kochwasser,
p.
52).
A
curious
misunderstanding
occurred
in
1857
in
connection
with
this
treaty.
Farrokò
Khan
Amin-al-Dawla,
still
in
Istanbul,
informed
Tehran
that
an
Austrian
legation
under
Colonel
Eugen
Schindlöcker
would
soon
arrive
there.
In
view
of
the
ongoing
negotiations
about
the
Austro-Persian
treaty,
officials
in
Tehran
thought
that
Schindlöcker
had
been
dispatched
to
sign
the
treaty.
In
fact
his
mission
had
been
sent
by
the
Austrian
War
Ministry
to
buy
fine
Arab
horses
for
the
imperial
stables.
The
Austrians
were
surprised
by
the
honors
they
received,
while
the
Persians
were
disappointed
when
they
discovered
the
actual
goals
of
this
mission.
Schindlöcker
and
his
companions
returned
to
Vienna
after
having
bought
several
fine
horses
(KA,
Reg.
Präs.
1857,
612,
775,
851,
1110;
Heda@yat,
X,
p.
743;
Blau,
p.
67;
Slaby,
p.
92
ff.).
In
1860,
the
engineer
Albert
Joseph
Gasteiger
arrived
in
Tehran
and,
with
help
of
Da@wud
Khan,
he
found
employment
in
the
Da@r
al-fonun.
Later
he
was
appointed
as
a
general
and
became
famous
for
his
road
constructions.
He
also
became
the
first
European
to
be
honored
with
the
title
"Khan."
Before
leaving
Austria
he
had
made
arrangements
with
his
Foreign
Ministry
and
the
Chamber
of
Commerce
to
report
on
interesting
things
in
Persia.
In
1866,
he
was
appointed
first
Austrian
honorary
consul
in
Tehran,
but
not
recognized
by
the
Persian
authorities
as
being
in
Persian
service.
Nevertheless
his
reports
became
very
important
for
diplomatic
as
well
as
commercial
relations
(F.
Gasteiger;
Slaby,
p.
98).
The
first
person
to
serve
as
Persian
honorary
consul
in
Vienna
was
a
Mr.
Foedes,
followed
by
Emmanuel
Goldberger
(HHStA,
F9,
45;
Slaby,
p.
112).
In
the
meantime
Austria
had
lost
its
leading
position
in
Germany,
and
was
no
longer
a
member
of
the
"Deutscher
Bund"
confederation.
The
emperor
had
to
come
to
an
agreement
with
the
Hungarians,
and
thus
from
1867
onwards
it
was
the
Austro-Hungarian
empire.
Oriental
countries
were
invited
to
exhibit
their
products
at
the
World
Fair,
which
was
planned
in
Vienna
for
1873.
Even
a
booklet
written
in
Persian
by
Polak,
describing
the
products
which
should
be
displayed,
had
been
published
and
distributed
in
Persia
(Polak,
1873).
On
the
occasion
of
this
fair,
permanent
diplomatic
relations
between
Austria
and
Persia
were
established.
Count
Dubsky
von
Trebomyslice
was
appointed
as
the
first
Austrian
minister
to
the
Persian
Court,
and
arrived
in
1872
to
invite
the
shah
officially
to
the
World
Fair.
Na@sáer-al-Din
accepted
willingly,
thus
becoming
the
first
shah
ever
to
visit
Europe.
On
20
April
1873,
the
Shah
and
his
entourage
left
Tehran,
traveling
through
Russia,
Germany,
England,
France,
Switzerland
and
Italy
to
Vienna
(Busse,
p.
379).
In
the
meantime
Mirza@
Malcolm
Khan
Nezáa@m-al-Molk,
the
Persian
minister
in
London,
had
been
co-accredited
to
the
Austro-Hungarian
Monarchy,
and
had
come
to
Vienna
to
make
preparations
for
the
visit
of
his
shah.
The
Persian
legation
in
residence
in
Vienna
was
established
only
in
1878.
The
shah
was
solemnly
received
by
Emperor
Franz
Joseph
I
and
treated
with
exceptional
courtesy
during
his
stay
in
Vienna.
He
paid
a
visit
to
the
World
Fair,
in
particular
to
the
Persian
pavilion.
Exhibits
consisted
mostly
of
carpets,
silk,
silk
embroidery,
shawls,
wooden
intarsia,
copperware
and
old
manuscripts.
Impressed
by
what
he
had
seen
in
the
other
pavilions
and
by
a
military
parade,
the
shah
sought
Austrian
help
to
reorganize
his
own
army
and
administration.
The
Austrians
promised
help
with
regard
to
the
administration,
but
they
still
had
to
consider
Russian
interests
with
respect
to
military
help
(Slaby,
pp.
112-126;
Schindler
and
de
Norman,
trans.,
pp.
255-96;
Kochwasser,
p.
55).
The
postal
service
was
reorganized
successfully
by
Gustav
Riederer
von
Dachsberg,
and
the
mint
by
Franz
Pechan
von
Prägenberg,
though
this
latter
reorganization
was
only
initially
successful.
When
he
was
ordered
to
reduce
the
standard
of
the
coins
he
quit
the
service
(Curzon,
I,
p.
466;
Polak,
ÖMO
1876,
pp.
186-88;
Riederer,
ÖMO
1876,
pp.
17-22).
Five
years
later,
however,
there
was
a
fundamental
change
of
opinion
in
Vienna:
Amin-al-Dawla,
who
had
come
to
Vienna
to
prepare
the
second
European
trip
of
the
shah,
renewed
the
request
for
assistance
in
military
matters
and
received
a
favorable
reply.
Dispatching
such
a
mission
was
now
considered
by
the
Austrians
as
a
chance
to
weaken
Russian
influence
and
to
open
new
markets
for
export.
Furthermore,
the
political
situation
had
changed.
While
on
the
one
hand
Russia
had
been
strengthened
by
the
Russian-Turkish
War
of
1877,
on
the
other
hand
it
had
been
forced
by
the
Berlin
Congress
to
accept
the
occupation
of
Bosnia
and
Herzegovina
by
Austria.
Relations
between
these
two
countries
therefore
grew
tense
and
Austria
no
longer
had
to
consider
Russian
interests
in
Persia.
The
shah
arrived
in
Vienna
on
5
July
1878.
The
reception
was
more
or
less
the
same
as
5
years
earlier,
but
the
preparations
for
this
visit
had
improved
significantly.
All
documents
for
carrying
out
the
host's
reform
plans
had
been
compiled
properly
and
the
minister
of
war,
leaders
in
commerce
and
trade,
and
arms
manufacturers
all
attended
the
reception
(Curzon,
I,
pp.
587-88).
The
new
Austro-Hungarian
Minister
Count
Zaluski
presented
his
credentials
to
the
Shah
on
July
8,
and
Narima@n
Khan
Mamigonia@n
Qawa@m-al-SaltÂana
was
appointed
the
first
Persian
minister
in
residence
to
the
Court
of
Vienna.
The
shah
visited
the
arsenal
and
was
particularly
impressed
by
the
display
of
modern
arms.
He
was
especially
interested
in
the
new
Austrian
guns
invented
by
General
Uchatius.
On
14
July
1878,
Na@sáer-al-Din
Shah
left
Vienna,
while
Nerima@n
Khan
and
Na@záer-AÚqa@
Khan,
the
minister
in
Paris,
remained
in
Vienna
to
arrange
everything
for
the
Austrian
military
mission
and
the
payment
for
the
purchased
arms
(Schindler
and
de
Norman,
trans.,
Diary
2,
pp.
234-71).
For
the
military
mission
11
officers,
1
corporal
and
1
bandmaster
were
selected.
Their
assignment
was
to
drill
the
"Austrian
Corps,"
as
it
was
called
henceforth,
comprising
7,000
soldiers:
six
infantry
battalions,
one
rifle
battalion,
three
batteries,
one
engineering
corps
and
three
military
bands.
The
group
departed
from
Tarnopol
on
12
November,
headed
by
General
Gasteiger
Khan;
although
he
was
not
part
of
the
official
mission,
the
shah
had
asked
for
his
assistance.
The
weaponry
order
brought
a
significant
change
to
Austro-Persian
trade
and
commerce.
By
the
end
of
the
1850s
and
the
beginning
of
the
1860s,
Austria
was
the
fourth
largest
exporter
to
Persia,
and
the
fifth
largest
importer
(Blau,
p.
155;
Issawi,
p.
134;
Kochwasser,
p.
65).
Exported
goods
included
ironware,
steel
goods,
cutlery,
gold
braids,
embroidery,
clothes,
matches,
liquor
and
wine.
The
imports
comprised
mainly
carpets,
fruit,
woolens
and
cotton.
The
weaponry
order
meant
a
boom
in
exports:
10,000
Werndl
rifles
with
3
million
cartridges,
1,500
revolvers
with
half
a
million
rounds
of
ammunition,
and
18
Uchatius
guns
(9
cm)
with
three
thousand
shells.
These
arms
deals
continued:
in
1882,
8,194
Werndl
rifles
including
bayonets
were
ordered
(KA
1882,
Präs.
56-6/1);
4
batteries
of
mountain
guns
(7
cm)
arrived
in
1883;
in
1888
20
Uchatius
guns
were
brought;
in
1883
20,000
Werndl
rifles
were
ordered;
and
even
in
1906/7
75%
of
all
weaponry
orders
went
to
Austria,
worth
200,400
qera@ns
(HHStA,
Reports
Leg.
Tehran,
3
Nov
1878,
20
Feb
1881,
16
Nov
1883;
ÖMO
1909,
pp.
61-91).
Sometimes
it
was
not
easy
to
get
payment
for
the
arms,
such
as
154,058
fl.
for
Werndl
rifles
(HHStA,
Rep.
Leg.
Tehran,
5
Feb
1885),
but
finally
all
debts
were
paid.
After
arriving
in
Tehran,
the
Austrian
military
mission
had
its
first
surprise,
on
discovering
that
Russian
instructors
had
been
committed
to
the
cavalry,
and
that
this
unit
was
to
become
the
core
of
the
Persian
brigade
of
Cossacks.
It
was
paid
for
entirely
by
the
governor
in
Tiflis,
which
meant
that
Persian
authorities
did
not
have
any
influence
on
it.
The
Austrians,
however,
had
to
face
plotting
and
intrigues;
the
power
play
of
the
sycophants
at
court
bought
from
abroad
and
above
all,
the
sepahsa@la@r
(commander-in-chief),
a
friend
of
the
Russians,
made
life
difficult
for
them.
These
were
the
reasons
why
the
official
Austrian
military
mission
ended
after
only
three
years.
Henceforth,
Austrian
officers
entering
Persian
services
were
only
appointed
with
private
contracts
(KA,
Report
Schemua).
Na@sáer-al-Din
Shah
realized
only
too
late
that
he
had
missed
a
chance,
since
the
Austrians
had
an
excellent
reputation
as
instructors
of
the
armed
forces.
Evidence
of
this
was
furnished
by
the
renewed
Persian
requests
to
Austria
for
further
official
military
missions
to
be
sent.
Yet
the
political
situation
had
changed.
The
weakness
of
the
Qa@ja@r
Empire
was
all
too
evident.
They
were
unable
to
resist
Russian
and
British
"pe‚ne‚tration
pacifique."
Persia
was
becoming
like
a
quasi-protectorate.
Na@sáer-al-Din
Shah
was
well
aware
of
this
situation;
he
approached
the
Austro-Hungarian
Empire
and
Germany
in
1880
with
a
plea
for
the
neutralization
of
Persia
under
the
auspices
of
the
Dual
Alliance
(Martin,
p.
201;
Shuster,
p.
29;
HHStA,
Tel.
3
Feb
1880).
The
Persian
efforts
lasted
until
1885,
when
both
powers
gave
the
definite
answer
that
they
were
unable
to
provide
any
guarantees
because
the
distances
involved
made
any
intervention
impossible
(HHStA,
Rep.
Leg.
Tehran,
14
Jan
1885).
As
already
mentioned,
world
trade
was
continuously
increasing.
Austria,
being
in
no
position
to
compete
with
England
in
Persia
for
the
sea
route
via
the
Gulf,
directed
her
goods
to
northern
Persia
via
Batumi,
and
from
there,
in
customs-free
transit,
through
Transcaucasia
to
Baku
and
Julfa.
The
result
was
that
Russian
goods,
squeezed
out
of
the
markets
of
southern
Persia,
could
no
longer
hold
on
to
the
northern
markets,
into
which
competing
goods
from
Austria
and
Germany
entered
through
Batumi.
With
the
end
of
free
transit
through
Russia
in
1883,
foreign
trade
in
northern
Persia
was
dealt
a
heavy
blow
(HHStA,
Pol.A.
XXVIII,
Karton
9);
thus,
Russian
trade
enjoyed
immediately
a
great
advantage
and
began
to
expand
rapidly
(Issawi,
p.
145).
Austria
eagerly
attempted
to
remove
the
Transcaucasian
"Transitverbot,"
accusing
the
Russians
of
"questionable
practices,"
but
this
was
in
vain
(Martin,
p.
54).
This
meant
that
Austrian
trade
had
to
follow
the
route
Trabzon-Erzurum-Tabriz.
As
Tabriz
remained
the
most
important
place
for
trade
it
seemed
necessary
to
have
an
Austrian
consulate
in
this
town.
Moritz
Horner,
who
had
been
sent
to
Tabriz
by
the
Ministry
of
Commerce
and
the
Export-Association
in
1877
to
study
there
the
possibilities
of
commerce,
had
settled
in
the
town
as
an
independent
tradesman,
and
now
applied
for
the
function
of
an
honorary
consul,
but
was
refused
by
the
Foreign
Ministry.
For
the
next
years
the
French
consul
had
to
represent
the
Austro-Hungarian
empire
(Riederer,
p.
186;
ÖMO
1878,
p.
190;
HHStA,
F8,
238).
As
the
trade
flow
from
the
North
had
become
difficult,
the
interested
powers
began
to
look
to
the
South.
Provided
that
the
harbor
of
Mohammerah
(K¨orramæahr)
could
have
been
improved
—
a
plan
which
Franz
Columbari,
the
first
Austrian
in
Persian
service,
had
proposed
55
years
earlier
(Slaby,
pp.
53)
—
and
a
road
could
have
been
built
via
ˆuætar
and
SoltÂa@na@ba@d
(Ara@k)
to
Tehran,
the
distance
would
have
been
a
third
that
of
the
journey
from
Trabzon
to
Tehran.
A
precondition
for
this
undertaking
was
free
shipping
on
the
Ka@run
up
to
Ahwa@z.
The
Austrians
would
have
had
the
advantage
of
free
access
to
southern
Persia
as
the
Austrian
"Lloyd"
was
already
operating
in
the
Persian
Gulf,
e.g.
the
steamer
"Calypso"
between
Buæehr
and
Basra
in
1888
(HHStA,
XXVIII/10/Rep.
88a,
5
November
1888).
In
1888,
sailing
on
the
Ka@run
was
allowed,
but
only
for
10
years,
and
nobody
wanted
to
make
the
necessary
investment
under
these
conditions.
In
1889,
Na@sáer-al-Din
Shah
made
his
third
trip
to
Europe
to
visit
the
World
Fair
at
Paris,
staying
also
in
Vienna
from
23
to
26
August,
before
continuing
to
Budapest.
A
carpet
exhibition
held
in
Vienna
in
1891
was
a
remarkable
success.
As
very
fine
and
precious
carpets
were
on
display
and
Vienna
was
one
of
the
most
important
trading
centers
for
oriental
carpets,
the
exhibition
encouraged
many
to
buy
Persian
carpets
(Scala,
Catalogue,
1891,
pp.
5-10).
Na@sáer-al-Din
Shah
was
murdered
on
1
May
1896,
and
his
son
Mozáaffar-al-Din
succeeded
to
the
throne.
He
followed
the
example
of
his
father
by
visiting
Vienna
in
1900,
1902
and
1905.
In
1906,
the
struggle
for
the
Persian
constitution
started
and
after
a
period
of
turmoil
the
shah
had
to
sign
the
relevant
bill.
Elections
were
held
and
at
the
beginning
of
1907
Mozáaffar-al-Din
and
the
crown
prince
signed
the
constitution.
Just
a
few
days
later
the
shah
died
and
was
succeeded
by
Moháammad-¿Ali.
The
troubles
surrounding
the
constitution
were
exploited
by
Russia
and
Britain
to
strengthen
their
grip
on
Persia.
The
north
of
the
country
was
declared
the
Russian
sphere
of
influence,
while
the
south
was
that
of
the
British,
and
a
neutral
zone
was
left
to
divide
the
two.
The
finances
of
Persia
remained
under
foreign
control
(Kochwasser,
pp.
89).
This
agreement
caused
new
disturbances
and
eventually
the
shah
abolished
the
constitution.
This
was
the
signal
for
revolution,
Moháammad-¿Ali
Shah
was
forced
to
abdicate
and
go
into
exile
in
1909
(Slaby,
pp.
248).
Ahámad
Mirza@,
who
was
only
11
years
old,
became
shah,
and
Zell-al-SoltÂa@n
was
appointed
regent.
After
many
troubles
and
changes
in
the
regency,
in
1911
the
ex-shah
tried
to
regain
power.
He
landed
in
Astara@ba@d,
equipped
with
Austrian
guns
and
ammunition,
but
finally
he
had
to
leave
the
country
for
good
(Slaby,
pp.
256).
When
new
disturbances
shook
the
country
in
1911
the
Russians
used
it
as
an
opportunity
to
occupy
large
areas
of
Azerbaijan.
Again
Vienna
was
asked
by
the
Persians
to
intervene
through
diplomatic
channels,
but
refused.
The
Austro-Hungarian
empire,
having
annexed
Bosnia
and
Herzegovina
in
1908,
had
enough
troubles
already
with
the
Russians
and
did
not
want
to
disturb
the
already
tense
relations
further.
In
the
years
before
the
outbreak
of
World
War
I,
diplomatic
relations
between
the
two
countries
were
kept
at
a
low
level.
In
1912,
Count
Hugo
Logothetti
became
the
new
Austro-Hungarian
minister
in
Tehran,
and
in
1913
the
consulate
in
Tabriz
was
reopened,
with
Franz
Ertelt
serving
as
honorary
consul.
Before
this,
the
Austrian
physician
Dr
Andreas
Klodzianowski
had
held
this
post
between
1897
and
1904,
while
for
the
rest
of
the
time
the
French
protected
Austrian
interests.
The
Persian
minister
in
Vienna
was
Mirza@
MosátÂafa@
Khan
S®afa@-al-Mama@lek,
and
the
Persian
honorary
consulates
were
situated
in
Vienna,
Budapest,
Trieste
and
Brno.
The
reopening
of
the
consulate
had
become
necessary
because
of
the
demands
of
the
merchants.
The
Austro-Oriental
Trade
Company
had
been
operating
in
Tabriz
since
1908,
and
in
1913
the
Orient
Carpet
Company
was
established.
Besides
these
two
companies,
there
were
several
Austrian
merchants
of
minor
importance
also
based
in
Tabriz
(Litten,
p.
265;
Slaby,
pp.
252,262).
The
difference
between
the
figures
for
Austrian
exports
to
and
imports
from
Persia
given
in
independent
studies
and
the
figures
published
officially
by
the
Austrian
Ministry
of
Commerce
is
remarkable.
Figures
in
independent
studies
are
much
higher
than
the
official
statistics.
Furthermore,
these
figures
are
given
sometimes
according
to
the
Persian
calendar
and
sometimes
according
to
the
European
one.
On
the
basis
of
a
variety
of
sources
(Statistik;
ÖMO
1907,
pp.
72-74,
ÖMO
1917,
pp.
341-61;
Jäger,
pp.
62;
Grothe,
p.
65;
Issawi,
pp.
137—267;
Zugmayer,
pp.
84,
87,
188),
the
approximate
figures
are:
Year
|
Imports from Persia
|
Exports to Persia
(in Austrian crowns,
1 crown = 2 qera@ns)
|
1901/2
|
671,859
|
6 millions
|
1905/6
|
381,620
|
5.68 millions
|
1910/11
|
1,657,677
|
5.42 millions
|
1912/13
|
429,363
|
4.02 millions
|
1913/14
|
359,000
|
4.46 millions
|
1915
|
182,000
|
8,400
|
1916
|
313,450
|
------
|
The
figures
above
show
that
Austrian
exports
were
slowly
decreasing
due
to
the
increasing
influence
of
Russia
and
Britain.
But
even
Germany,
Belgium
and
China
had
overtaken
Austria,
and
in
1908/9
she
ranked
only
eighth
among
the
competing
countries.
World
War
I
brought
an
end
to
all
Austrian
exports.
The
main
goods
imported
from
Persia
were
dried
fruit,
spices,
carpets,
silk,
wool,
shawls,
tobacco,
mother-of-pearl
and
other
precious
shells.
The
main
goods
exported
to
Persia
were:
cotton,
silk,
silk
tissue,
satins,
woolens,
velvet,
sugar,
cloth,
threads,
arms
and
ammunition,
iron
in
bars
and
plates,
cutlery,
coffee,
candles,
lamps,
glassware,
crockery,
paper,
stationary,
cardboard,
furniture,
matches
and
hardware.
When
World
War
I
broke
out
the
Austro-Hungarian
minister
in
Tehran
was
on
leave
in
South
Tyrol.
On
1
November
1914,
when
Turkey
joined
the
central
powers
against
Russia,
Persia
declared
her
neutrality
on
the
very
same
day,
but
was
unable
to
defend
it
(Jung,
p.
9;
Slaby,
p.
200).
The
Russians,
who
were
still
in
Azerbaijan,
arrested
the
Austrian
honorary
consul
in
Tabriz
and
deported
him
to
Sweden,
while
the
honorary
chancellor
was
deported
to
Siberia.
The
legation
in
Tehran
remained
undisturbed,
and
so
Logothetti
tried
to
return
to
his
post.
In
April
1915,
he
arrived
in
Tehran
accompanied
by
the
new
military
attache‚
Colonel
Wolfgang
Heller
(Jung,
p.
9)
together
with
the
German
minister
Heinrich
Prince
Reuss
(HHStA,
Pol.A.
XXVIII,
Karton
16).
None
of
the
fighting
powers
cared
about
Persian
neutrality.
The
Russians
occupied
the
North,
the
British
the
South,
the
Turks
were
fighting
in
Azerbaijan
and
the
Germans
made
expeditions
through
the
center
to
Afghanistan
to
persuade
the
Afghans
to
wage
war
against
British-ruled
India.
Austria-Hungary
did
not
approve
the
German
plans
but
was
forced
to
participate
in
the
activities
(Jung,
p.
8).
Even
the
soldiers
of
the
Austro-Hungarian
army,
who
had
escaped
from
the
prisoner-of-war
camps
in
Turkestan,
were
put
at
the
disposal
of
the
Germans.
Meanwhile,
by
1915,
the
Russians
and
the
British
had
become
aware
that
the
central
powers
and
the
Persian
authorities
were
secretly
negotiating
an
agreement
against
them.
The
Russians
moved
forward,
and
when
they
had
reached
Karaj,
the
shah
announced
that
he
was
willing
to
transfer
his
residence
to
Isfahan.
All
the
legations
immediately
left,
but
when
Ahámad
Shah
changed
his
mind
Logothetti
and
the
Turkish
ambassador
returned
to
Tehran.
The
German
minister
having
already
fled
to
Baghdad,
all
the
German
activities
in
Persia
broke
down
in
1916.
Nothing
happened
to
the
legation
in
the
capital,
but
Colonel
Heller,
the
Turkish
ambassador
and
several
companions
were
captured
by
Russian
Cossacks
violating
their
diplomatic
immunity
in
a
neutral
country.
Heller
became
a
prisoner
of
war
and
returned
to
Austria
only
in
1918
(KA,
Report
Heller;
Slaby,
p.
298).
On
3
August
1918,
Count
Logothetti
fell
ill
and
died
in
Tehran,
and
the
Spanish
minister
Romero-Dusnet,
became
"Charge‚
des
Affaires
Austro-hongrois
en
Perse."
Eventually,
only
Chancellor
Anton
Fischer
was
left
in
the
legation.
The
end
of
World
War
I
meant
also
the
end
of
the
Austro-Hungarian
Empire.
Emperor
Karl
I,
who
had
succeeded
to
the
throne
after
the
death
of
Emperor
Franz
Joseph
I
in
1916,
abdicated
on
11
November
1918.
Austria
became
a
republic.
Now
it
was
a
small
country,
various
nations
of
the
Empire
having
founded
their
own
states,
the
Austrian
government
had
to
cut
down
its
expenses
as
much
as
possible,
and
so
they
closed
down
the
legation
in
Tehran
by
the
end
of
the
year
1919
(HHStA,
Pol.A.
XXVIII,
Karton
19,
Zl.133.976/6).
Austrian
subjects
in
Persia
came
under
the
protection
of
the
Norwegian
consul
general,
because
Spain
had
shut
down
her
legation
by
this
time
as
well.
Persia
had
to
endure
very
difficult
times
now.
The
British
occupied
the
whole
country
and
tried
to
make
it
their
own
protectorate.
In
fact,
the
shah
signed
an
agreement
to
this
effect,
but
parliament
rejected
it.
In
the
following
years
the
government
was
overthrown
by
a
coup
and
all
foreign
troops
were
withdrawn
from
Persia,
the
treaties
with
Russia
were
abrogated
and
the
reformed
army
defeated
all
the
rebellious
tribes.
Rezµa@
Khan,
who
emerged
as
the
leading
personality
in
this
period,
became
Rezµa@
Shah
Pahlavi
on
12
December
1925,
after
parliament
had
deposed
the
Qajar
Dynasty.
He
started
a
major
program
for
the
modernization
and
industrialization
of
the
country.
On
10
May
1927,
all
treaties
and
agreements
with
foreign
countries
were
cancelled
in
an
attempt
to
regain
full
sovereignty
(Kochwasser,
p.
104).
All
capitulations
and
special
rights
for
foreigners,
such
as
the
consular
jurisdiction,
were
now
abolished.
Diplomatic
relations
between
Austria
and
Iran,
as
Persia
was
now
called,
were
re-established
in
1927.
At
the
time,
both
countries
no
longer
had
a
minister
in
residence
in
the
other's
capital:
the
Iranian
minister
in
Rome
was
co-accredited
to
Vienna,
while
the
Austrian
minister
in
Ankara
was
co-accredited
to
Tehran.
An
Iranian
honorary
consulate
was
established
in
Vienna
in
the
same
year,
and
the
Austrian
honorary
consulate
in
Tehran
opened
in
1928
(Slaby,
p.
318).
On
17
June
1928,
a
new
trade
treaty
was
signed
and
the
Agreement
on
Establishment
followed
on
1
June
1937
(AdR,
Rep.
Leg.
Ankara,
No.1712-A-1937).
While
Iran
was
consolidating
and
making
progress,
Austria
had
major
problems
to
face.
After
a
few
years
of
prosperity
the
quarrels
and
disputes
between
political
parties
wreaked
havoc
in
the
country,
while
the
worldwide
economic
crisis
of
1929
dealt
the
Austrian
economy
a
heavy
blow,
with
unemployment
becoming
the
greatest
problem.
Even
a
civil
war
lasting
a
few
days
took
place
in
1934,
and
in
July
of
the
same
year
the
National
Socialists
attempted
a
coup;
it
failed
but
caused
the
death
of
the
federal
chancellor.
Under
these
circumstances
trade
could
not
flourish,
and
furthermore
Austria
had
lost
most
of
her
production
plants
to
the
successor
states.
The
restrictive
financial
politics
of
Iran
and
Austria
were
also
not
very
helpful
for
commercial
relations.
Even
counter-trade
transactions
(barters)
that
were
initiated
(Issakides,
pp.
15)
did
not
bring
much
success.
The
balance
of
trade
with
Iran
was
in
all
these
years
negative
for
Austria,
as
some
figures
may
show
(Statistik,
Slaby,
p.
329):
Year
|
Imports from Iran
|
Exports to Iran
(in Austrian shillings)
|
1926
|
1,587,000
|
369,000
|
1928
|
1,275,000
|
518,000
|
1930
|
1,800,000
|
461,000
|
1933
|
3,450,000
|
533,000
|
1936
|
4,891,000
|
739,000
|
About
40%
of
the
imports
were
carpets,
because
Vienna
was
one
of
the
most
important
trading
centers
for
carpets
in
Europe.
A
few
Austrian
construction
companies
were
engaged
in
the
project
of
the
Trans-Iranian
railway,
employing
many
engineers
and
manual
staff.
But
altogether,
commercial
and
industrial
contacts
were
still
at
a
low
level.
International
politics
again
changed
everything.
In
1938,
Austria
was
occupied
and
ceased
to
exist
other
than
as
a
part
of
Germany.
In
1939,
World
War
II
broke
out,
with
Iran
declaring
again
her
neutrality.
In
1941,
when
Germany
attacked
the
Soviet
Union,
British
and
Russian
troops
invaded
Iran
and
forced
Rezµa@
Shah
to
abdicate.
They
brought
him
to
Mauritius,
where
he
died
in
1944.
His
son
Moháammad-Rezµa@
Pahlavi
became
the
new
Shah
at
22
years
of
age.
After
the
end
of
World
War
II,
the
Republic
of
Austria
was
re-established.
Both
Austria
and
Iran
were
occupied
by
foreign
troops.
Iran
was
luckier
than
Austria,
because
the
American,
British
and
Russian
troops
left
the
country
by
1946,
while
they
remained
in
Austria
until
1955.
After
the
withdrawal
of
the
Russians,
the
Iranian
army
had
to
intervene
against
communist
puppet-regimes
in
Azerbaijan,
but
by
the
end
of
1946
the
country
was
fully
under
the
control
of
the
legal
authorities.
On
22
November
1947,
the
Iranian
charge‚
d'affaires
in
Ankara
informed
the
Austrian
minister
that
the
Iranian
government
had
recognized
Austria
and
wanted
the
resumption
of
normal
diplomatic
relations
(BMAA,
Zl.115.798-POL/48,
Rep.
Leg.Ankara,
Zl.9o/Pol,
Nov.22,
1947).
The
Iranian
minister
in
Bern
was
co-accredited
to
Vienna
on
18
January
1949,
the
Austrian
minister
in
Ankara
presented
his
credentials
to
the
shah
on
7
April
1949
(BMAA,
Rep.
Leg.
Tehran,
Zl.35/POL).
This
situation
continued
until
1955
when
charge‚s
d'affaires
were
appointed
both
in
Vienna
and
Tehran.
By
1957,
an
Iranian
resident
minister
had
been
installed
in
Vienna,
and
his
Austrian
counterpart
was
installed
in
Tehran
in
1958.
Both
legations
became
embassies
in
1960
after
the
conclusion
of
the
Agreement
on
Friendship
and
Establishment
in
1959
(BGBl.
No.45/1966).
All
these
diplomatic
activities
had
become
possible
because
Austria
had
regained
her
full
sovereignty
by
the
State
Treaty
of
15
May
1955.
When
all
the
foreign
soldiers
had
left
the
country
the
parliament
declared
Austria's
permanent
neutrality
on
26
October
1955.
In
the
meantime
Iran
had
passed
through
turbulent
years.
In
1951,
the
Prime
Minister
Ra@zmara@
had
been
murdered,
and
his
successor
Moháammad
Mosáaddeq
nationalized
Iranian
oil.
He
broke
off
relations
with
the
British,
who
imposed
an
oil-embargo
on
Iran.
A
lot
of
troubles
shook
the
country
and
Mosáaddeq
dissolved
parliament.
The
shah
had
to
leave
the
country,
but
the
army
brought
everything
under
control
so
that
the
shah
could
return
after
only
one
week.
The
differences
with
London
could
now
be
settled,
and
consequently
a
new
consortium
for
the
exploitation
of
Iranian
oil
was
set
up
which
agreed
that
Iran
should
receive
a
larger
share
of
the
revenue.
The
government
could
put
these
revenues
to
use
in
starting
economic
improvements
and
social
reforms.
The
impact
this
had
on
trade
and
commerce
is
obvious.
The
agreement
on
the
"most
favored
nation"
clause
concluded
by
the
exchange
of
notes
in
1956
gave
trade
a
major
boost.
From
very
modest
beginnings
after
the
war,
trade
steadily
increased
(Statistik):
Year
|
Imports from Iran
|
Exports to Iran
(in Austrian 1,000
shillings - ATS)
|
1947
|
597
|
1.607
|
1950
|
26,275
|
20,949
|
1955
|
20,990
|
52,331
|
1960
|
73,432
|
180,468
|
1965
|
100,970
|
270,210
|
1970
|
117,362
|
362,668
|
1975
|
1,232,041
|
1,548,752
|
1978
|
2,675,267
|
1,757,138
|
The
share
of
crude
oil
in
Iranian
exports
increased,
especially
after
1973,
but
dried
fruit,
cotton,
minerals
and
textile
products
were
also
still
exported.
Austria
exported
to
Iran
semi-finished
products,
transport
equipment,
machinery,
paper
and
paper
products,
timber,
iron
and
steel
products,
textile
fabrics,
chemicals
and
synthetic
fibers.
Austrian
firms
were
involved
in
the
construction
of
several
dams,
irrigation
systems
and
port
facilities.
Hydro-electrical
and
thermal
power
stations
were
also
on
the
list
(BWK,
Tehran
Journal
27
October
1977).
Iran
was
in
those
days
Austria's
second
largest
trading
partner
outside
Europe.
The
time
of
jet-diplomacy
brought
a
significant
rise
in
the
number
of
visits
of
ministers
and
delegations
for
diplomatic
and
commercial
affairs.
The
most
important
were
the
state
visit
of
the
shah
to
Austria
in
1960,
the
return-visit
of
Federal
President
Franz
Jonas
in
1965,
and
the
state
visit
of
Rudolf
Kirchschläger
in
1976.
The
return-visit
of
the
shah
remained
only
an
invitation,
but
he
had
been
to
Austria
on
private
visits
several
times,
including
in
1964
to
visit
the
Olympic
Games
at
Innsbruck,
and
in
1975,
the
year
that
Djamshid
Amouzegar
was
held
hostage
during
the
assault
on
the
OPEC
building
in
Vienna.
Relations
cooled
off
a
bit
after
this,
but
they
recovered
very
soon.
The
Islamic
revolution
marked
the
start
of
a
new
period
of
turmoil
for
relations
between
Austria
and
Iran.
The
Shah
left
the
country
on
16
January
1979
and
Ayatollah
Khomeini
landed
in
Tehran
on
1
February
1979
to
lead
the
Islamic
Republic
of
Iran.
When,
on
4
November
1979
students
seized
control
of
the
US
Embassy
in
Tehran
and
took
diplomats
and
staff
hostage
(Wright,
pp.
220),
the
1957
Treaty
on
Military
Cooperation
with
the
United
States
as
well
as
the
1921
pact
with
the
Soviet
Union
were
cancelled
and
the
Iranian
Revolutionary
Council
took
over
the
government.
They
announced
an
end
to
oil
exports
to
the
United
States,
and
the
Carter
administration
ordered
a
freeze
of
Iranian
bank
deposits
and
other
assets
in
the
United
States.
Diplomatic
relations
were
broken
off,
and
the
United
States
imposed
sanctions
on
Iran,
asking
allies
to
follow
suit
(Wright,
p.
222).
Austria
joined
all
the
efforts
to
free
the
hostages
(ÖZA
1979,
pp.
281)
and
Federal
Chancellor
Dr
Bruno
Kreisky
came
to
Tehran
as
the
head
of
a
delegation
of
Socialist
International
for
negotiations
which
ultimately
failed
(ÖZA
1980,
p.
135).
Austria
did
not
take
part
in
the
sanctions
against
Iran,
arguing
that
a
permanently
neutral
country
should
not
interfere
in
the
conflicts
of
third
states.
However,
Austria
would
not
enlarge
her
commercial
and
trade
relations
with
Iran
(ÖZA
1980,
pp.
126).
This
approach
was
highly
appreciated
by
the
Iranian
authorities
and
was
rewarded
later
on.
On
17
September
1980,
President
Saddam
Hussein
of
Iraq
abrogated
the
1975
treaty
on
the
borders
between
Iraq
and
Iran
when
his
troops
invaded
Iran
(Wright,
p.
224).
Thus
a
war
was
started
which
was
to
last
for
8
years,
until
Iran
accepted
United
Nations
Resolution
No
598
to
end
the
war
on
18
July
1988,
and
the
fighting
parties
agreed
on
a
formal
cease-fire
in
August
(Wright,
p.
255).
The
release
of
the
American
hostages
in
1981
was
the
first
step
towards
the
loosening
of
the
diplomatic
isolation
of
Iran.
The
first
encounter
between
high-ranking
Austrian
and
Iranian
officials
took
place
in
Geneva
in
1983
when
Austrian
Foreign
Minister
Erwin
Lanc
discussed
bilateral
relations
with
his
counterpart
¿Ali-Akbar
Wela@yati
(ÖZA
1983,
p.
183).
Lanc's
official
visit
to
Tehran
in
1984
was
the
first
ever
visit
by
a
Western
foreign
minister
to
the
Islamic
Republic
of
Iran.
In
June
1987,
Austria
also
became
the
first
western
European
state
to
receive
the
Iranian
Foreign
Minister
Wela@yati
officially
(ÖZA
1987,
pp.
219).
Despite
the
good
relations
Austria
nonetheless
never
hesitated
to
denounce
violations
of
international
law
and
human
rights
by
Iran.
This
included
criticism,
together
with
the
countries
of
the
European
Community,
of
the
death
sentence
on
the
British
author
Salman
Rushdie
(Wright,
p.
257),
after
which
the
ambassador
to
Tehran
was
kept
for
a
period
in
Vienna
(ÖZA
1989,
p.
234).
Commercial
relations
in
the
first
period
of
the
Islamic
Republic,
which
ended
with
the
death
of
Ayatollah
Khomeini
on
3
June
1989
and
the
succession
of
the
new
"Revolutionary
Leader,"
Ayatollah
Khamenei
(Wright,
p.
258),
fluctuated
considerably.
Trade
reached
its
lowest
level
in
1979,
when
the
Iranian
economy
was
in
a
complete
mess.
Construction
activities
had
then
stopped
as
well
as
the
work
on
dams,
irrigation
systems,
power
stations
and
port
facilities.
Foreigners
left
the
country
and
even
oil
production
was
reduced.
The
result
was
an
extremely
high
level
of
unemployment.
The
most
needed
goods
were
now
foodstuffs,
medical
and
pharmaceutical
products,
chemicals,
spare
parts
and
raw
material
(DI,
May
4,1979).
Austrian
exporters
reacted
accordingly.
While
imports
were
rather
low,
since
no
oil
was
delivered,
Austrian
exports
reached
more
or
less
the
pre-revolutionary
level.
Besides
the
official
trade
balance
(Statistik),
the
VOEST-Intertrading
firm
had
agreed
an
oil-for-food
barter
with
Iran,
and
this
was
followed
by
3
further
barter
deals
worth
billions
of
ATS
(OÖN,
24
April
1982;
20
December
1984).
In
1983
exports
boomed,
including
the
delivery
of
iron
and
steel,
machinery,
timber,
synthetics,
railway
equipment
and
wagons
(IW,
15
September
1983).
In
subsequent
years
the
amount
of
trade
decreased
because,
as
a
result
of
the
war
and
the
low
price
of
oil,
the
foreign
exchange
reserves
of
Iran
melted
away.
Compensation
deals
now
came
under
discussion
(IW,
11
September
1986).
After
the
war
there
was
a
sharp
increase
in
trade
as
a
result
of
a
modest
degree
of
liberalization
in
the
country
and
the
unsatisfied
demand
for
goods.
Due
to
Iran's
dependency
on
revenues
and
the
price
of
crude
oil,
her
most
important
export
item,
imports
into
Austria
have
declined
since
1993.
A
normalization
has
been
witnessed
only
in
the
last
few
years
(the
turn
of
the
millennium).
Year
|
Imports from Iran
|
Exports to Iran
(in 1,000 Austrian
shillings = ATS)
|
1979
|
768,280
|
918,778
|
1980
|
393,400
|
2,786,028
|
1985
|
1,341,253
|
3,602,633
|
1990
|
1,251,736
|
3,809,514
|
1995
|
635,196
|
1,748,939
|
2000
|
324,568
|
2,415,054
|
2001
|
16,717
|
(in millions EURO) 247,787
|
During
the
second
decade
of
the
Islamic
Republic
of
Iran,
diplomatic
relations
with
Austria
intensified
and
the
following
agreements
were
concluded:
Agreement
on
International
Road
Transport
(BGBl
134/1989,
13
July
1989)
Air
Transport
Agreement
(BGBl
9/1991,
10
January
1991)
Agreement
on
Reciprocal
Promotion
and
Protection
of
Investments
(signed
in
Tehran,
15
February
2001)
Agreement
on
Mutual
Assistance
and
Co-operation
in
Custom
Matters
(signed
in
Vienna,
11
March
2002)
Agreement
for
the
Avoidance
of
Double
Taxation
with
Respect
to
Taxes
on
Income
and
on
Capital
(signed
in
Vienna,
11
March
2002)
Besides
these
agreements
a
mixed
Austro-Iranian
economic
commission
has
been
meeting
regularly
to
discuss
further
projects
and
proceedings.
In
1991,
a
delegation
of
members
of
the
Iranian
parliament
visited
Vienna
(ÖZA
1991,
p.
77),
Vice-Chancellor
Alois
Mock
paid
an
official
visit
to
Tehran
(ÖZA
1991,
p.
80)
and
Federal
President
Kurt
Waldheim
made
a
state
visit
to
Iran
in
June
of
the
same
year.
He
was
received
by
State
President
Rafsanja@ni,
who
informed
him
that
the
Islamic
Republic
was
interested
in
opening
up
to
the
West.
At
the
end
of
his
visit
Waldheim
paid
a
visit
to
the
Austrian
camp
for
Kurdish
refugees
in
Orumiya,
and
was
asked
to
prolong
Austrian
aid
to
this
area
(ÖZA
1991,
p.
135).
In
subsequent
years
high-ranking
officials
have
been
coming
and
going
to
the
capitals
of
each
other's
countries.
When
the
United
States,
still
boycotting
Iran,
tried
to
put
Austria
under
pressure
in
1996
to
consider
Iran
as
an
"enemy,"
the
Austrian
federal
chancellor
rejected
this
request
(ÖZA
1996,
p.
308).
Austrian
Federal
President
Thomas
Klestil
visited
Tehran
in
September
1999
and
met
with
President
Moháammad
K¨a@tami
to
solve
together
the
pending
problem
of
the
protection
of
foreign
investment
in
Iran
(WB,
9
September
1999).
The
agreement
was
ready
to
be
signed
in
February
2001,
as
listed
above.
The
most
recent
Iranian
state
visit
to
Austria
was
made
by
President
K¨a@tami
in
March
2002.
Many
issues
were
discussed
and
the
atmosphere
of
this
meeting
gave
the
assurance
that
Austro-Iranian
diplomatic
and
commercial
relations
would
continue
at
a
high
level.
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Archiv
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1952.
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Paris,
1933.
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Gödel,
Über
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die
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europäisch-persischen
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1849.
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Grothe,
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